Global Migration

Facts & Figures: The Ugly Truth About Replacement Migration In Canada

(It’s a constantly repeated lie that temporary workers are only temporary. They will return home once their visas expire, and not become permanent residents.)

(It’s also a lie that students will return home. In most cases, they are eligible for the PGWP, and many transition directly to permanent residents.)

(International Mobility Program, essentially an extension of TFWP, but no labour shortages actually are required. Open work permits)

(If immigration grows our economy, then why is so much money being sent out of the country? Shouldn’t that money be spent here?)

(Making Northern towns unrecognizable is the goal.)

(Agriculture workers have pathway to PR)

(Program launched in July: PR-Path for illegals)

(Program launched in July: Domestic violence ==> PR-Path)

(CANZUK, possibly the biggest open borders and globalist free trade deal in history, is official CPC policy.)

1. Important Links

Other Canuck Law Articles
CLICK HERE, for CANZUK: open borders, free trade.
CLICK HERE, for true scope of mass migration in Canada.
CLICK HERE,for CDA immigration rate: 1M/year.
CLICK HERE, for more detail On replacement migration programs.
CLICK HERE, for replacement migration since 2003/04.
CLICK HERE, for domestic violence as perm res path.
CLICK HERE, for International Mobility Program: TFWP 2.0.
CLICK HERE, for remittances and brain drain.
CLICK HERE, for data on global remittances.
CLICK HERE, for mass migration during high unemployment.
CLICK HERE, for TD Bank article on population boom.
CLICK HERE, for amnesty for illegals program launched.
CLICK HERE, for students: grads/families become PR.
CLICK HERE, for business start up visa — purchase PR status
CLICK HERE, for “ghosts” using student visas to immigrate.
CLICK HERE, for (net) birth rate data since 1991.
CLICK HERE, for 186,000 “inadmissibles” getting Temp Res Permits.

2. Context For This Article

As has been reported many times on this site, immigration is nowhere near what is reported in the media. Specifically, when students and so-called “temporary” workers are factored in, it is double or triple what we are led to believe.

Why does this matter? For a number of reasons. First, it is misleading to omit that these groups are eligible for permanent resident status. That means, most can and will remain in Canada much, MUCH longer than originally stated. It artificially low-balls the immigration rate. Yes, not everyone stays, but many will, especially if they have built roots here.

Second, most people head to the larger cities, which strain to accommodate more and more people. This results in overburdened social services, congestion, and overcrowding. And contrary to conservatives and libertarians, there is a huge financial cost to these influxes.

Third, large scale mass migration has the effect of drastically changing the culture, the societal makeup, demographics (yes, race) and the voting patterns in elections. For example, importing large numbers of people who want hate speech laws, strong gun control, and socialist rule means that voting starts trending that way. Problem is, that no one ever voted to have their societies so changed.

Fourth, it brings incompatible cultures together, again, with no mandate from the host population. Islamic Hijrah (conquest by immigration) is the most obvious, but not the only one. There’s also Chinese expansion, Sikh nationalists, and replaying of ethnic conflicts, just to name a few.

In short, mass migration completely remakes a nation, and a lot of it in negative ways. Problem is (again), no one voted for it. And repeatedly lying to minimize the scale of it only serves to make things worse.

3. Annual Reports To Parliament

CLICK HERE, for the 2004 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2005 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2006 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2007 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2008 report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2009 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2010 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2011 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2012 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2013 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2014 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2015 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2016 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2017 Report to Parliament.
CLICK HERE, for the 2018 Report to Parliament.

CLICK HERE, for archived listings.

Note: From the 2004 to 2018 reports (which cover 2003-2017) we can take the “temporary” migration data as well. For this, “temporary” refers to:
(a) Temporary Foreign Worker Program;
(b) International Mobility Program;
(c) Student Visas

Here’s a snapshot of these “temporary” programs from the years 2015 to 2017. Source is the 2018 Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration.

YearTFWInt MobilityStudent
201573,016175,967218,147
201678,402207,829265,111
201778,788224,033317,328

Above are the “temporary” categories listed in the Annual Immigration Reports to Parliament. Now, let’s take a look at all of it in context. Data is compiled from the 2004 to 2018 Annual Reports (which covers the years of 2003 to 2017)

Report YearStated ImmTemporaryActual Imm
2004221,352143,444364,796
2005235,824147,204383,028
2006262,236156,622418,858
2007251,649174,361426,010
2008236,758229,834466,592
2009247,243272,028519,271
2010252,179263,618515,797
2011280,681278,433559,114
2012248,748289,225537,973
2013257,887318,383576,270
2014258,953333,175592,128
2015260,404420,708681,112
2016271,845468,126739,971
2017296,346551,342847,688
2018331,226620,149951,375

The public is (wrongly) told that the annual averages were about 250K during the Harper years (2006 to 2015) and creeping up to 300 under Trudeau, and expected to hit about 350K in a few years. Big problem is that these claims deliberately leave out the pathway-to-PR students and “temporary” workers.

While these programs are touted as “temporary” this is extremely misleading, as an awful lot of people from all streams will remain in Canada. Either they will transition to permanent residents, or remain in some other capacity.

4. Surge In Student Visas

(UBC Promoting post-graduate options to students)

(University of Calgary and options for foreign students.)

(University of Regina promoting permanent residence)

CLICK HERE, for Provincial Nominee Seminar at UBC.
CLICK HERE, for permanent resident information from UCalgary.
CLICK HERE, for URegina on the Sask Immigrant Nominee Program.

The above are just the first 3 that I checked out. In fact, in seems that ALL colleges and universities are offering guidance for their international students on how to remain in Canada after they graduate.

But why would they do that? The powers that be repeatedly assure us that these students are in the country temporarily, and that they will return home afterwards. It’s almost as if these student visas were a form of backdoor immigration.

Report YearNumbers
200461,293
2005 56,536
200657,476
200761,703
200864,636
200979,509
201085,140
201196,157
201298,383
2013104,810
2014111,865
2015127,698
2016219,143
2017265,111
2018317,328

In 2003, Canada issued 60,000 student visas (rounded down) and in 2017 issued 315,000 student visas (again, rounded down). This is more than 5 times the amount, in just a 15 year period.

Sources are the 2004 to 2018 Annual Reports to Parliament on Immigration. They are listed in Section #3. Now, not everyone will stay in Canada after they are done school. But many will, and our Government makes that very easy.

5. Surge In “Temporary” Workers

Note: in 2014 there was a public scandal regarding the Temporary Foreign Worker Program. Word got out as to just how wide spread the program was, and just how many people were being “imported” into jobs that Canadians could do, but who had to be paid more.

The “solution”, if you can call it that, was to break up the TFWP into 2 categories: one where a Labour Market Impact Assessment was needed (LIMA), and one that was not (an open work permit).

In this case, the TFWP required the LIMA, whereas the previously existing International Mobility Program was scaled up (no LIMA required). To summarize, rather than fix the underlying problem, the Government decided to split up the program and call it fixed.

Temporary Foreign Worker Program

Report YearNumbers
200482,151
200590,668
200699,146
2007 112,658
2008165,198
2009192,519
2010178,478
2011182,276
2012190,842
2013213,573
2014221,310
201595,086
201673,016
201778,402
201878,788

International Mobility Program

Report YearNumbers
2004included
2005included
2006included
2007included
2008included
2009included
2010included
2011included
2012included
2013included
2014included
2015197,924
2016175,967
2017207,829
2018224,033

Split Up Of TFWP

To offer greater clarity and transparency, the current TFWP is being reorganized and new International Mobility Programs (IMPs) are being created. The TFWP will now refer to those streams under which foreign workers enter Canada at the request of employers following approval through a new Labour Market Impact Assessment (LMIA). The new IMPs will incorporate those streams in which foreign nationals are not subject to an LMIA, and whose primary objective is to advance Canada’s broad economic and cultural national interest, rather than filling particular jobs. These reorganized programs will improve accountability, with Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC) being the lead department for the TFWP, and Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) the lead department for the IMPs. In addition, ESDC will publicly post data on the number of positions for temporary foreign workers approved through the TFWP on a quarterly basis, and will post the names of corporations that receive permission to hire temporary foreign workers through LMIAs.

Source is right here.

For some context, consider that in 2003, about 80,000 temporary workers were admitted into Canada. That contrasts with over 300,000 in 2017 (when TFWP and IMP both factored in). That is nearly 4 times the amount in just 15 years.

CPC Supports Temp-To-PR Pipeline
The Conservative Party of Canada supports both: creating new immigration pilot programs, and transitioning temporary workers into permanent residents. That is listed in Article 139 of their Policy Declaration (found under Governing Documents)

Also worth noting that CANZUK is official CPC policy as well, Article 152 of their Policy Declaration. CANZUK, when fully implemented would allow free trade and free travel between Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. Effectively, it would erase the borders between those nations. Aside from the obvious problems, other nations like India, Pakistan, and the rest of the Commonwealth could potentially join. Would all of those “temporary” people be PR eligible as well?

To be fair, the People’s Party of Canada, which claims to “open the Overton window” on immigration, never addresses any of the following:
(a) True scale of mass migration;
(b) Temps/Students transitioning to PR;
(c) Importing the 3rd World;
(d) Rapid demographic change;
(e) Changes in voting trends, less conservatism;
(f) CANZUK being implemented

It would be nice if these Annual Reports to Parliament were more detailed in which programs/streams people were transitioning into permanent residents. It would also help for more information on how many people remain in the country but don’t become citizens. Alas, such useful data is lacking.

To address the elephant in the room: not all of the temporary workers do stay in Canada. Similarly, not all students stay in Canada after they graduate. But an awful lot do. Unfortunately, the Canadian Government doesn’t easily provide that information, so it has to be pieced together.

6. Remittances Sent Back Home

The Bank estimates that officially recorded annual remittance flows to low- and middle-income countries reached $529 billion in 2018, an increase of 9.6 percent over the previous record high of $483 billion in 2017. Global remittances, which include flows to high-income countries, reached $689 billion in 2018, up from $633 billion in 2017.

Among countries, the top remittance recipients were India with $79 billion, followed by China ($67 billion), Mexico ($36 billion), the Philippines ($34 billion), and Egypt ($29 billion).

The Brief also reports progress toward the SDG target of reducing the recruitment costs paid by migrant workers, which tend to be high, especially for lower-skilled migrants.

The World Bank estimates that $689 billion was sent in remittances globally in the year 2018. Globalist politicians repeatedly say that immigration brings wealth to the country, but it seems to be a source of draining it.

Global Remittances In Recent Years

YearTotal ($B)To 1st WorldTo 3rd WorldDiff.
2013$581B$177B$404B$227B
2014$592B$162B$430B$268B
2015$582B$142B$440B$298B
2016$573B$144B$429B$285B
2017$613B$147B$466B$319B
2018$689B$161B$528B$367B

CLICK HERE, for World Bank, remittances in 2013.
CLICK HERE, for World Bank, remittances in 2015.
CLICK HERE, for World Bank, remittances in 2016.
CLICK HERE, for World Bank, remittances in 2017.
CLICK HERE, for World Bank, remittances in 2018.

Biggest Recipients Of US $ (2018)

RankNationEst. ($ Billions)
1Mexico30.019
2China16.141
3India11.714
4Philippines11.099
5Vietnam7.735
6Guatemala7.725
7Nigeria6.191
8El Salvador4.611
9Dominican Republic4.594
10Honduras3.769

Worth noting that reducing fees for remittances is a goal long held by the UN. It’s as if they expect and promote mass migration to the West.

7. “Inadmissibles” Still Allowed In Canada

YearPermitsCumulative
200212,63012,630
200312,06924,699
200413,59838,297
200513,97052,267
200613,41265,679
200713,24478,923
200812,82191,744
200915,640107,384
201012,452107,384
201111,526118,910
201213,564132,474
201313,115145,589
201410,624156,213
201510,333166,546
201610,568177,114
20179,221186,335

Using the 2004 to 2018 Annual Reports to Parliament on Immigration, we can see that 186,000 people who were previously deemed “inadmissible” to Canada” were still allowed Temporary Residence Permits since 2002. This is being done under Rule 24(1) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act.

Global(ist) News recently reported about the 3,000 or so who were allowed in under a 2010 rule change, and Rule 25.1 of IRPA. However, they missed the bigger picture.

SEC = Security (espionage, subversion, terrorism)
HRV = Human or International Rights Violations
CRIM = Criminal
S.CRIM = Serious Criminal
NC = Non Compliance
MR = Misrepresentation

YEARTotalSECHRVCrimS.CrimNCMR
200212,630??????
200312,06917255,5308694,85539
200413,59812127,0969534,98120
200513,97027157,9179814,63521
200613,41229207,4219824,38718
200713,2442587,5399774,10914
200812,82173187,1088984,17017
200915,64032236,6198807,51210
201012,45286246,4519074,42336
201111,52637146,2278993,93211
2012132,47420157,0148885,20618
2013145,58917106,8168435,1358
201410,6241225,8077163,89514
201510,333335,3055784,31528
201610,568844,5095342,78820
20179,2211055,0355913,412121

This is correct. People being denied entry for criminal record, serious criminal records, human rights violations, security risks, terrorism, and the like, are still being given Temporary Residence Permits.

For all those who say “come legally” and it’s okay, guess what? These people are being let into Canada legally. It’s the system that’s broken. Virtually anyone can get into Canada, so should we just skip the formality of having a border?

8. Importing The 3rd World

The tables below are composed form data gathered in the Annual Immigration Reports to Parliament (see Section #3). While this data related to % of people gaining permanent residence, and which countries they originate from, it’s a pretty good indicator of where Canada is importing people from.

(Below: PR, top 10 countries of origin in 2004 Report)

RankCountryPercent (%)
#1China16.3
#2India11.1
#3Pakistan5.6
#4Philippines5.4
#5S. Korea3.2
#6U.S.2.7
#7Iran2.6
#8Romania2.5
#9U.K. & Colonies2.4
#10Sri Lanka2.0

(Below: PR, top 10 countries of origin in 2007 Report)

RankCountryPercent (%)
#1China13.2
#2India12.2
#3Philippines7.0
#4Pakistan4.9
#5U.S.A.4.3
#6Iran2.8
#7U.K.2.6
#8S. Korea2.5
#9Colombia2.3
#10France2.0

(Below: PR, top 10 countries of origin in 2010 Report)

RankCountryPercent (%)
#1China12
#2Philippines11
#3India10
#4U.S.A4
#5U.K. & Colonies4
#6France3
#7Pakistan2
#8Iran2
#9S. Korea2
#10Morocco2

(Below: PR, top 10 countries of origin in 2013 Report)

RankCountryPercent (%)
#1China12.8
#2Philippines12.7
#3India11.2
#4Pakistan3.9
#5U.S.A3.7
#6France3.2
#7Iran2.5
#8U.K. & Colonies2.5
#9Haiti2.2
#10S. Korea2.1

(Below: PR, top 10 countries of origin in 2016 Report)

RankCountryPercent (%)
#1Philippines18.7
#2India14.5
#3China7.2
#4Iran4.3
#5Pakistan4.2
#6Syria3.6
#7U.S.A.3.0
#8France2.0
#9U.K. & Colonies2.0
#10Nigeria2.0

Note: Of the top 10 countries of origin, only 3 are from European, Western nations (France, the U.S., and the U.K. & Colonies). However, every U.K. & Colonies is suspect, as it contains people from outside the U.K.

Who would have thought that mass migration of the 3rd World would lead to Canada becoming the 3rd World? This connection is obviously so difficult to make.

This isn’t everyone who stays in Canada, and certainly not everyone who enters Canada. However, it does provide a glimpse into WHERE people are coming from. Canada is importing the 3rd World, and becoming the 3rd World as a result.

(Page 18 of the 2004 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 24 of the 2005 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 18, 19 of the 2006 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 19, 20 of the 2007 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 21, 22 of the 2008 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 16 of the 2009 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 14 of the 2010 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 18 of the 2011 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 15 of the 2012 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 19 of the 2013 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 16 of the 2014 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 16 of the 2015 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 10 of the 2016 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 14 of the 2017 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 28 of the 2018 Annual Report to Parliament)

Did you think that importing large numbers of people from:
(a) China
(b) India
(c) Philippines
(d) Pakistan
(e) Iran

This might be the reason we have such large enclaves of these groups? Think there may be some connection between them? This is not a single year, but a consistent pattern.

9. White Genocide In Action

YearPopulation% of Canada
18713,433,31598.5%
18814,146,90095.9%
19015,170,52296.0%
19117,005,58394.35%
19218,568,58496.0%
193110,134,31397.7%
194111,242,86897.8%
195113,582,57496.83%
196117,653,86496.8%
196696.8%
197120,763,91596.3%
198122,402,00093.0%
1986
1986
199624,531,63586.0%
200124,678,88083.3%
200625,000,15580.0%
201125,186,89076.7%
2016 25,111,69572.9%

Based off the Wikipedia page, it’s sources are: here, here, here, here, here, here, and here.

To point out the obvious, yes the data table is incomplete. There are a few years missing. However, the overall trend shows an undeniable pattern towards those of European descent declining as a percentage and losing voting power.

Euro Canadians will be a minority in about a decade or so. How well will we be treated then?

10. Truth About Birth Rates

Live Births in Canada: 2013 – 2017
Deaths in Canada: 2013 – 2017

YearBirthDeathsDiffDay
1991402,533195,569206,964567
1992398,643196,535202,108552
1993388,394204,912183,482503
1994385,114207,077178,037488
1995378,016210,733167,283458
1996366,200212,880153,320419
1997348,598215,669132,929364
1998342,418218,091124,327341
1999337,249219,530117,719323
2000327,882218,062109,820300
2001333,744219,538114,206313
2002328,802223,603105,199288
2003335,202226,169109,033299
2004337,072226,584110,488302
2005342,176230,132112,044307
2006354,617228,079126,538347
2007367,864235,217132,647363
2008377,886238,617139,269381
2009380,863238,418142,445390
2010377,213240,075137,138376
2011377,636243,511134,125367
2012381,869246,596135,273370
2013380,323252,338127,985350
2014384,100258,821125,279343
2015382,392264,333118,059323
2016383,102267,213115,889318
2017379,450276,689102,761281
2018375,390283,70691,684251

It’s a commonly repeated myth that the Canadian population is declining. In fact, it is growing by about an average of 300 people per day, and has for several years. That being said, this is not at the same across groups. Couples European descent have an average of about 1.5 children each, far below the replacement rate.

Truth is demographic replacement is already taking place, even without any immigration. And that leads to the next segment: a groups that WANTS to breed, in order to achieve its goal of world domination.

11. Muslims Taking Over The World

(Muslims man bragging that demographic change will lead to Sharia Law replacing Canadian Law at some point)

This man isn’t kidding about Islam becoming the biggest religious group. The goal is world domination, and they are breeding their way to get it. These findings, from Pew Research.

Babies born to Muslims will begin to outnumber Christian births by 2035; people with no religion face a birth dearth.

More babies were born to Christian mothers than to members of any other religion in recent years, reflecting Christianity’s continued status as the world’s largest religious group. But this is unlikely to be the case for much longer: Less than 20 years from now, the number of babies born to Muslims is expected to modestly exceed births to Christians, according to new Pew Research Center demographic estimates.

Muslims are projected to be the world’s fastest-growing major religious group in the decades ahead, as Pew Research Center has explained, and signs of this rapid growth already are visible. In the period between 2010 and 2015, births to Muslims made up an estimated 31% of all babies born around the world – far exceeding the Muslim share of people of all ages in 2015 (24%).

The current age distribution of each religious group is an important determinant of demographic growth. Some groups’ adherents are predominantly young, with their prime childbearing years still ahead, while members of other groups are older and largely past their childbearing years. The median ages of Muslims (24 years) and Hindus (27) are younger than the median age of the world’s overall population (30), while the median age of Christians (30) matches the global median. All the other groups are older than the global median, which is part of the reason why they are expected to fall behind the pace of global population growth.

He’s not wrong at all. Pew Research is predicting exactly that. Muslims will become the biggest religious group in a short time.

Of course, the fact that they murder: Christians, Jews, Buddhists, Atheists, gays, blasphemers, apostates, and different sects of Islam “might” have something to do with those changing demographics. They aren’t exactly tolerant.

12. UN Supports Replacement, White Genocide

This topic was covered previously, but time for a trip down memory lane. The United Nations has been holding “population conferences” since the 1950s. Interestingly, the solution is always the same: more migration from the 3rd World. Not higher birth rates. Not a decline may be okay. Not “piss off” as a response. More mass migration.

(UN considers replacement migration — not higher birthrates — to be the solution to declining populations)

(UN Population Division still hard at work)

(The UN Global Migration Group)

(Other important replacement migration meetings)

(Agreed outcomes on population)

UN webpages worth a read
CLICK HERE, for the UN Population Division website.
CLICK HERE, for the UN research into replacement migration
CLICK HERE, for Gov’t views & policies.
CLICK HERE, for participant contact info.
CLICK HERE, for Russian replacement migration.
CLICK HERE, for European replacement migration.
CLICK HERE, for Korean population decline.
CLICK HERE, for various conferences.
CLICK HERE, for the “About” page.
CLICK HERE, for “resolutions” from the UN Population Division.
CLICK HERE, for UN Convention on Prevention and Punishing Genocide.
CLICK HERE, for the UN Global Migration Compact.

UN Global Migration Group

  • Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO)
  • International Labour Organization (ILO)
  • International Organization for Migration (IOM)
  • Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
  • United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)
  • United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
  • United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA)
  • United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
  • United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
  • United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women)
  • United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR)
  • United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
  • United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)
  • United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA)
  • United Nations Regional Commissions
  • United Nations University (UNU)
  • World Bank
  • World Health Organization (WHO)

Not much to add to this abomination, but it is plain and obvious that the replacement agenda is going on at a global level, and has been for decades.

Consider this: the UN was formed at the end of the Second World War in 1945. Less than a decade later, it is already holding population conferences. They continue even now.

13. Multiculturalism Is Genocide

This may seem strange, but consider the following: Forcibly remaking the population without their consent amounts to genocide, as defined by the United Nations. Check out the UN Convention On Prevention and Punishing Genocide.

Article I
The Contracting Parties confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to punish.

Article II
In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Article III
The following acts shall be punishable:
(a) Genocide;
(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
(d) Attempt to commit genocide;
(e) Complicity in genocide.

Article IV
Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.

Article V
The Contracting Parties undertake to enact, in accordance with their respective Constitutions, the necessary legislation to give effect to the provisions of the present Convention, and, in particular, to provide effective penalties for persons guilty of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III.

Article VI
Persons charged with genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be tried by a competent tribunal of the State in the territory of which the act was committed, or by such international penal tribunal as may have jurisdiction with respect to those Contracting Parties which shall have accepted its jurisdiction.

Article VII
Genocide and the other acts enumerated in article III shall not be considered as political crimes for the purpose of extradition.
The Contracting Parties pledge themselves in such cases to grant extradition in accordance with their laws and treaties in force.

14. Where To Go From Here

A moratorium on immigration is the only sensible answer. This “multiculti” experiment is a total failure, and it’s time to put a stop to it. Illegals need to be deported.

Stop Islamic immigration. Permanently. Deport whoever can be legally deported, and ban political Islam. Mosques need to be shutdown wherever possible.

This multicultural push also needs to go. If Canada (or any nation) is to survive, it must be united under one identity.

How did we get to the stage where replacing your population, your culture, language, traditions, and customs is valued as “diversity”? Shouldn’t we preserve what we have?

Put our own people first. Have our own children, more of them, and keep the culture (what’s left of it) intact. Stop sending money away with remittances, stop importing cheap labour, and driving down wages.

It is mind boggling that so-called “conservatives” keep pushing for mass migration from socialist and other left leaning nations. It never seems to dawn on them that importing liberal and socialist voters means that their own base will eventually be replaced. Idiots. But who cares, as long as the cheap labour keeps flowing.

Privy Council

DOSSIER: Mennie Mexico Slides

Canada Strategy Regarding Work Competencies

Workshop to support economic growth
Mexico, September 2004

Authored by Johanne Mennie (ref)

Slide 4 Translation:

Strategic objectives

Faced with these challenges, there is a need to reconsider and modify employment programs so that they respond to changes in the labor market:

-An employment system that encourages the development of specialized, adaptable and resilient employees. (promote lifelong education, allow the workforce to fully utilize the skills, knowledge and skills they possess)

-A flexible, efficient and productive labor market (decrease barriers to labor mobility so that Canadians can take advantage of existing and emerging employment opportunities, support the smooth transition of the labor market by helping people to get and keep your job)

-A full participation of Canadians who face obstacles in the labor market. (emphasis on Aboriginal Canadians, recently arrived immigrants, youth and less skilled older workers)

-A better capacity to respond to the needs of employers (emphasis on the workplace and participation of employers to ensure a continuous growth of high-value employment opportunities)

Consideration:

This slide contains some great advice as far as facing challenges in the Canadian workforce, and it emphasizes four groups of people. If Aboriginal Canadians, youth, and older workers are already facing obstacles, it does not make sense to include even more people to those groups. Adding recently-arrived immigrants puts more strain on the system and more competition for jobs (ref). Considering many immigrants do not even speak English or French, they require language courses paid for by Canadian taxpayers (ref), along with other government programs (ref). Flooding Canada with immigrants means that even the Canadian underemployed will have to pay for them (ref)!

Slide 7 Translation:

Underemployment:

-In 2001, 35% of workers with EPS had unskilled jobs that did not require an EPS diploma

-The integration of immigrants is a big problem

-24% of people with highly specialized jobs had a maximum of completed education

-Canadian aboriginals represent an untapped source

Considerations:

Considering the previous slide, this slide provides further evidence that integrating immigrants is a “big problem”, in a nation with people who are already facing obstacles entering the workforce or getting a better job.

Slide 10 Translation:

Conclusions: main human resources problems faced by entrepreneurs

-Lack of access to information

-Small companies do not know where to go, with whom to talk to talk about their needs in terms of human resources planning

-They report on the shortage of skilled / experienced / trained workers

-Difficulty in hiring staff or hiring workers not fully qualified to “fill in pits” or unable to retain staff

-Lack of skills to plan HR and good HR practices

-they do not know what knowledge, skills, abilities, and attitudes are most valuable to the economic performance of the organization

-Insufficient ability to forecast skills needs or measure results

-they ask the government to take the direction to determine what occupations will be needed, when and under what conditions

-Emigration of workers – a key problem in rural and remote regions – also linked to the inability to attract skilled immigrants

Slide 15 Translation:

The Answer – The Skills Strategy at Work – Slide 15

-The Competency at Work Strategy is a coherent plan that will guide the development of policies and programs that recognize the importance of human capital development in, and for, Canadian workplaces.

-The general objective of the Work Skills Strategy is to promote workplaces that support the full development and utilization of the skills and competences of Canadians.

Slide 20 Translation:

Support and strengthening of competence initiatives in the workplace:

– Learning and specialization of a trade

– Strengthen and expand the Pan-Canadian standards of the Red Seal to eliminate mobility obstacles between provinces

– Establish infrastructure funds for training centers in order to improve the training team of specialized trades

– Advice program by sector

– Expand the network of industry-led tips in key sectors to support collective action and thus address the needs of competencies in the workplace

– Emphasis on the council’s initiatives regarding the needs of communities and SMEs

– Recognition of foreign accreditation

– Establish collaborative relationships to improve the integration into the labor market of immigrants specialized mainly in health and engineering

– Support and strengthening of work skills initiatives

Slide 22 Translation:

Steps to follow

Step 1: Commitment

– Continue a phased approach and consult with stakeholders (employers, unions, business associations, sector councils, etc), provinces and territories, as well as other government departments to build and maintain the strategy:

– Evaluate, build and strengthen relationships with stakeholders in the workplace, and

– Informing and cementing the WSS framework, to ensure that it reflects and responds to the skills needs of employers and workers

Step 2:

– Improve concepts and develop ideas through research and diagnostic analysis

Step 3:

– Put ideas to the test

– The ideas will be “tested” against:

– The results of the diagnostic work

– The results of the review of related publications

– Analysis of key sectors of the industry

– Analysis of shortcomings of current programs

– Consultations with interested parties and participating organizations

Finance

A Beginner’s Introduction to Cryptocurrency And The Blockchain – Part 1

Over the past several years there has been increasing talk about Cryptocurrency (Bitcoin in particular), and the Blockchain. It’s been referred to as Digital Gold, a huge scam, and everything in between. So, what’s the real story? What exactly is Cryptocurrency? Does it have real world applications? Is it a good investment? And what is the Blockchain, and what role does it play in all of this?

This article will be a guide for newcomers to this technology that will attempt to answer these questions, and give a good base to those who wish to do further research on the topic.

Before we can talk about Cryptocurrency, or, Digital Currency, we need to take one step back and learn about FIAT Currency. (1) Essentially, FIAT Currency is money that has no intrinsic value, but has been established as legal tender, and is regulated by the Central Government. In other words, it cannot be converted to anything, and it is not backed by anything of value, like gold for example.

For the purpose of this article I will be talking primarily about Bitcoin, as it was the first Cryptocurrency, however all other Cryptos, also known as Alt Coins, (2) work in much the same way. So what is Bitcoin?

What Is Bitcoin

Bitcoin is an electronic payment system based on mathematics. It is decentralized, which makes it independent of any central authority. If you dislike the Federal Reserve, or central banks, then you’ll love Bitcoin! It can be transferred almost instantly and has very low transaction fees. In stark contrast to FIAT money that is created out of thin air by the Federal Reserve, there is a limit to the number of Bitcoins that can ever be created. That number is 21 Million. Once that limit is reached there will be no more, that’s it. Bitcoins are also divisible, meaning that you don’t have to transact in units of 1 coin. With the value of Bitcoin now being in the thousands of USD per coin, It would be very difficult for the average person to acquire this asset. A Bitcoin can be divided down to 8 decimal places. Therefore, 0.00000001 BTC is the smallest amount that can be handled in a transaction. If necessary the protocol and software can be modified to accommodate even smaller amounts. The smallest unit of Bitcoin is referred to as a Satoshi, named after Satoshi Nakamoto, the mysterious creator of the Blockchain protocol and Bitcoin. Bitcoin also affords a level of anonymity as your name is not tied to any transaction. Bitcoin came into being in 2009 and it’s success has led to the creation of many types of “alt coins”.

What Is The Blockchain

The Blockchain is a decentralized transaction ledger spread across thousands of computers. It is open to the public and is not corruptible. If, for example, you have your money at Bank of America, then the centralized bank controls your money. If you have your money in Bitcoin on the Blockchain then because of its decentralized nature, no one single entity controls it.

The Blockchain is made up of Blocks. Blocks hold batches of transactions that are hashed and encoded into a data structure known as a Merkle Tree (3)

Each Block contains the cryptographic hash value of the previous block in the chain, thereby linking the two. These linked Blocks form the Blockchain. This process serves to guarantee the integrity of the chain all the way back to the beginning Block.

The Blockchain is a simple, yet ingenious way of passing information from A to B in a fully automated and safe way. One party to the transaction initiates the process by creating a block. This block is verified by thousands, perhaps millions of computers distributed across the Network. The verified block is added to the chain which is stored across the Network, creating not just a unique record, but a unique record with a unique history. Falsifying a single record would require falsifying the entire chain in millions of instances and that is virtually impossible to do. Cryptocurrency uses this model for monetary transactions, but the Blockchain can be deployed in many other ways.

Some other potential uses of the Blockchain include:

  • Financial Services
  • Video Games
  • Online Sportsbook Operations
  • Smart Contracts (4)
  • The Internet of Things (5)

Bitcoin Mining

You’ve most likely heard the term “Bitcoin Mining”, so what exactly is that all about, and how does it fit into the big picture?

People tend to place their trust in printed currencies. In the United States, for example, the US Dollar is backed by a central bank called the Federal Reserve (6). In addition to many other responsibilities the “Fed” regulates the production of new money. Even digital payments made with US dollars are backed buy a central authority. When you make an online purchase using your debit or credit card, for example, that transaction is processed by a payment processor such as Visa or Mastercard. As well as recording the history of the transaction, those companies also verify that the transaction is not fraudulent. Have you ever received a call from your Credit Card Company’s fraud department at 3am, wanting to confirm that you just purchased an expensive pair of alligator skin boots in Tokyo?

Bitcoin, on the other hand, is not regulated by any central authority. Instead, Bitcoin is backed by millions of computers scattered across the world called “nodes.” These computers perform the same function as the Fed, Visa, or Mastercard, but with some important differences. The key difference is that unlike those central authorities, Bitcoin nodes are spread across the world and record transaction data in a public list that can be accessed by anyone.

When someone makes a purchase or sale using Bitcoin this is known as a transaction. Bitcoin Miners clump these transactions together into Blocks and add them to the public record, which is the Blockchain. Nodes then maintain records of the Blockchain so that the blocks can be verified into the future. When Bitcoin Miners add a new block of transactions to the Blockchain, part of their job is to make sure that those transactions are accurate. In particular, they make sure that Bitcoin is not being duplicated, or double spent. (7)

With as many as a half million transactions occurring every day, the task of verifying them can be a lot of work for miners. This gets to another key difference between Bitcoin Miners and the Fed. As compensation for their efforts, Miners are awarded Bitcoin whenever they add a new block of transactions to the Blockchain. The amount of new Bitcoin released with every mined Block is called the “Block Reward.” The Block reward is halved every 210,000 Blocks, or approximately every four years. This serves to regulate the supply of Bitcoin. In 2009 the reward was 50 coins per mined Block. In 2013 it was 25. In 2018 it was 12.5, and sometime in the middle of 2020 it will halve to 6.25. At this rate of halving, the total number of Bitcoin in circulation will approach the hard preset limit of 21 million, making the currency more scarce, and therefore more valuable over time.

But, lest you think Bitcoin Mining is your ticket to fame, fortune, and your own private Island in the Caribbean, there is a catch.

In order for Bitcoin Miners to actually earn coins from verifying transactions, two things must occur. First, they must verify 1 Megabyte (MB) worth of transactions. This can be as small as a single transaction, but are, more often several thousand, depending on how much data each holds. This part is relatively easy. Second, in order to add a block of transactions to the Blockchain, miners must solve a complex computational math problem, also called proof of work. (8) What they are actually doing is trying to calculate a 64 digit Hexadecimal number (9), called a hash that is less than or equal to the target hash. At the time of writing, the odds of producing a hash below the target is 1 in 13 trillion. To put that into perspective, you are about 44,500 times as likely to win the Powerball Lottery than you are to pick the correct hash value on a single try. The difficulty level is adjusted every 2016 Blocks or approximately every two weeks with the intent of keeping mining rates more or less constant.

And, if all that doesn’t sound hard enough, wait, there’s more, another catch! Not only do you have to come up with the correct hash value, but oh snap!…you also have to be the first to do so! In the beginning, someone with a moderately powerful home computer could mine Bitcoin fairly successfully. These days though, since you are competing with millions of other miners, generating the correct hash value has everything to do with the speed of your computer. In 2013, miners began to use specialized hardware designed to mine as efficiently as possible. Without getting into too much technical detail, these machines are called Application Specific Integrated Circuits (ASIC) (10) and can cost into the thousands of dollars. Even one of these new computers would not likely be enough today to be profitable, so often many machines are grouped together into a “Mining Pool” so that resources and computation power can be shared.

A typical mining server farm…

A Real World Application of the Blockchain

Now that you have a basic understanding of what Cryptocurrency and the Blockchain are, I’d like to end this article by proposing a real world use for Blockchain technology that everyone should be able to relate to. This isn’t my idea though, it’s one that is already currently underway and is being pursued aggressively.

Since 1973 the SWIFT Network (11) has been the standard for global cross border monetary transactions. If you are wiring money anywhere around the world chances are you are using the SWIFT Network. While SWIFT is ubiquitous, currently connecting around 11,000 financial institutions, it does not come without it’s own set of problems, foremost of which is settlement speed. Even though technological advancements are being made to improve this, it can still take hours, and even days for a transaction to settle.

Enter Ripple (alt coin ticker XRP). Ripple, through the use of it’s product RippleNet, (12) has the goal of supplanting SWIFT as the go-to solution for worldwide money transfer. Currently around 300 financial institutions have committed, and signed on and that number continues to steadily grow. This video gives a nice overview of how RippleNet works. (13)

Of course nothing is ever guaranteed, but I think Ripple, RippleNet, and XRP have a bright future. And that’s also why I’m quite bullish on XRP as an investment.

This concludes part 1 of the series. In part 2 I will be discussing Cryptocurrency as an investment vehicle and why it may be a good idea to hold at least some crypto as a part of your diversified investment Portfolio.

References

1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fiat_money

2. https://bitcoinmagazine.com/guides/what-altcoin

3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Merkle_tree

4. https://www.investopedia.com/terms/s/smart-contracts.asp

5. https://internetofthingswiki.com/internet-of-things-definition/

6. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Reserve

7. https://coinsutra.com/bitcoin-double-spending/

8. https://en.bitcoin.it/wiki/Proof_of_work

9. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hexadecimal

10. https://www.investopedia.com/terms/a/asic.asp

11. https://bit.ly/38yHLtW

12. https://ripple.com/ripplenet

13. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zsBEuXLXZuk

Privy Council

History of Policy Research Initiative (PRI), Privy Council Office [reprint]

Chapter 9: Policy Analysis in the Federal Government: building the forward-looking policy research capacity

Jean-Pierre Voyer

Policy Research Initiative, Privy Council Office, Government of Canadai

Introduction

A decade ago, senior managers within the federal public service had a collective prise de conscience with regard to the need to reinvest in the federal governments policy capacity. A special Deputy Minister Task Force on Strengthening our Policy Capacity was established in 1995, and it subsequently issued what is commonly referred to as the Fellegi Report. This report presented a key examination of the state of the policy capacity across the federal government, and laid out a roadmap for future reinvestment in this capacity. Almost ten years after the Felligi report, what has happened?

Studies of policy analysis in government often emphasize different elements of what they understand analysis to be. A not atypical recent definition broadly describes policy analysis as the activity of thinking systematically or scientifically about policy problems, the goal of which is policy prescription (Brooks 2002: 192). Such systematic thinking is the lifeblood of the policy development process in government from issue identification and agenda setting, through policy research and policy development, to decision-making and implementation, and finally evaluation and adjustment, policy analysis is a core activity.

Rarely, of course, does the development of policy occur in the linear, rationalistic fashion suggested by this typology. While policy analysts in the federal government strive to be as professional, systematic and scientific as possible in offering their research and advice, they must have the flexibility to respond to the needs of their Ministers in circumstances that may be less than ideal. Indeed, the environment in which policy development and analysis occurs is only getting more and more complex. As Savoie has recently noted, the policy-making process is opened to an ever-wider array of stakeholders and faced with multifaceted and interconnected issues that cut across ministerial lines of responsibility (Savoie 2004).

This said, the Fellegi report a decade ago, as well as more recent interviews with senior government managers (Armstrong et al. 2002) suggest that most departments in the federal government are fairly strong in the provision of short term advice and analysis. The larger area of concern, both then and now, has been with regard to the capacity within the federal government to undertake policy analysis work focused on the medium- to longer-term. The focus of this paper will therefore be on those elements of the federal government dedicated to undertaking medium- to longer-term analytical policy work where that analysis can be more systematic and rigorous, as it is freer from the immediate day-to-day pressures of government operations. We will begin by reviewing the concerns about federal policy capacity that led to the Deputy Minister Task Force and the diagnostic offered in their report with its call for more forward-looking policy capacity. The paper will then touch on key areas of progress over the past decade, including the establishment of the Policy Research Initiative, new initiatives to build connections to the extra-governmental research community, improvements in the medium-term policy research capacity of departments, and the development of new tools for research. We conclude with a look at what may lie ahead in terms of further progress.

The Fellegi Report

By now, the story of the initial investment and enthusiasm in policy analysis within the federal government, followed by a subsequent long period of retrenchment, has become a familiar one (Pal 2001: 24; Hollander and Prince 1993). With the rapid expansion and institutionalization of policy analysis capacity beginning in the sixties and carrying on into the seventies, the federal government took a lead role in the development of policy research and analysis in Canada. It was a time of increasing investment in research and a strong faith in the power of rational, systematic analysis to make a difference. The government also invested in a number of mechanisms to harvest research from the wider policy analysis community, such as the Economic and Science Councils of Canada, various Royal Commissions, and a variety of granting mechanisms. Beginning in the mid-eighties, however, there was a shift in emphasis and resources from policy analysis to program implementation. The preoccupations with (new) public management concerns combined with fiscal restraint meant that the medium-term analysis in many policy areas was sidelined, and the in-house capacity of a number of departments declined. By the mid-1990s, following more than a decade of diminishing capacity and the recent loss of the Economic Council of Canada (a major source of medium and longer-term research for the federal government, see Dobuzinskis in this volume) and other advisory councils, concerns over the state of the federal governments policy capacity led the then Clerk of the Privy Council, Jocelyne Bourgon to launch a Deputy Minister Task Force on Strengthening our Policy Capacity. Chaired by the Government of Canadas Chief Statistician, Ivan Fellegi, the Task Force produced a milestone diagnostic of the state of the federal governments policy capacity.

The Fellegi Report stressed the continued need for a high-quality policy capacity to address key challenges faced by the Federal Government. It suggested that, in this regard, a most notable weakness centered on the capacity to undertake rigorous, longer-term strategic and horizontal analytical work. The Task Force found that most (though importantly not all) departments were generally doing little work in this area owing to a range of factors including a shortage of resources, urgent day-to-day requirements, a perceived lack of demand from senior mangers and officials, and a weak example from key central agencies. While longer-term planning may be difficult in an increasingly complex environment, the report affirmed that positioning the government to deal with longer-term issues in a coherent fashion was the central strategic issue for the government (Canada 1996: 20). It noted that such work was more likely to occur where there were dedicated internal resources (distinct from day-to-day operations), supportive external resources, useful techniques and methodologies, and where there was a strong demand for such work from senior management. The report concluded that while the bulk of such strategic work must take place within departments, the central agencies have a vital role to play in increasing the focus on strategic and major horizontal issues. Yet there is no fully effective central function that helps to define issues of strategic importance, to guide the process for developing longer term and horizontal policies, and to promote interdepartmental networks. PCO is the logical focus for such a function (Canada 1996: 39).

Canada was not the only country in the 1990s to experience concerns about the state of policy capacity within government. Similar questions were being raised in other western democracies that also experienced a significant period of fiscal pressure and emphasis on new public management (Curtain 2000). For example, in the United Kingdom Tony Blairs Labour Government released a white paper on Modernizing Government which suggested that previous emphasis on management reform had paid insufficient attention to policy capacity. Policies too often take the form of incremental change to existing systems, rather than new ideas that take the long-term view and cut across organizational boundaries to get at the root of the problem (United Kingdom 1999, p.16). The UK Government committed itself to improved horizontal and strategic policy development. Recent years have seen the establishment of a number of key new policy analysis units in that government, most notably the Prime Ministers Strategy Unit.ii

The Policy Research Initiative

Perhaps the most important development since the Fellegi Report, in terms of addressing the federal governments capacity to undertake medium-term, horizontal policy analysis, has been the establishment of the Policy Research Initiative (PRI). The PRI was launched in 1996 as a corporate effort by the Clerk and the community of Deputy Ministers to rebuilding policy capacity. The PRI first began as an interdepartmental committee of Assistant Deputy Ministers from over 30 federal departments and agencies that were asked to engage in a medium-term scanning exercise to identify future policy challenges faced by Canada. The committee prepared a report, Growth, Human Development, Social Cohesion, on the key pressure points likely to arise in Canadian society by the year 2005 as a result of shifting socio-economic trends and identified research gaps that needed to be addressed to position the government to deal with those challenges.

The experience was highly successful in many ways. Not only did it produce a report that demonstrated how policy research focused on the medium-term had much to contribute to the formulation of the policy agenda, but it also confirmed the benefits of interdepartmental collaboration in policy research. The exercise revealed the horizontal nature of many key policy challenges and the need for confronting various perspectives and analysis in establishing common diagnosis on socio-economic trends and developments facing the country. In the process of drafting the joined report, much was learned on the relative policy research capacity strengths of the various federal departments and a policy research community started to emerge, as many government policy researchers, contrary to their colleagues working on policy design or policy implementation, seldom had had real opportunities to work with their counterparts from other departments.

Following these first steps, a permanent secretariat, the Policy Research Secretariats (PRS) was established as a more formal institutionalized entity within the Government of Canada, with the mandate to support newly formed interdepartmental research networks of analysts, and to reach out to the wider policy research community of think tanks and university academic. From 1997 to 2002, the PRS was particularly active in establishing these linkages through major fora such as high-profile national policy conferences involving hundreds of government and non-government researchers and through the management of publications, such as ISUMA and TRENDSiii, which aimed to tap the contributions of scholars and other external experts on medium-term policy issues of relevance to the federal government. However, over this period, the PRS, which was renamed the PRI in 2000, was never able to reproduce the scale and climate of interdepartmental collaboration that characterized the early days of the Initiative, with the result that most of the research work emerging from the PRI during this period was from external sources to the federal government, through initiative such as the Trends Project Series. The interdepartmental networks did not generate much new research work, with the exception perhaps of a pilot project on the Knowledge-based Economy/Society, which was lead by HRDC, Industry Canada, Canadian Heritage and the Canadian International Development Agency. The KBE/S project produced three major conferences from in 1998 and 1999 with a corresponding number of volumes of proceedings and was by in large managed by the departments directly involved, with little if no direct contribution from the PRI secretariat.iv

The fact that the interdepartmental networks generated little new work is hardly surprising. Department researchers had been asked to conduct interdepartmental research work in addition to their regular departmental responsibilities and activities. No additional resources had been assigned to the research program of the interdepartmental networks, except for a small staff at the PRI who was mostly involved in coordinating activities and publications. For departments involved, the horizontal work around the first report might have been exciting but proved difficult to sustain. The creation of interdepartmental research networks was a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the strengthening of the federal governments capacity to undertake medium-term, horizontal policy analysis. New departmental resources had to be devoted to policy research activities.

In late 2002, the Policy Research Initiative entered a third phase, characterized by a deepened internal research capacity and increased emphasis on generating in-house knowledge products. Attached to the Privy Council Office, with oversight from the Deputy Secretary for Plans and Consultation, the PRIs core mandate today is to advance research on emerging horizontal issues that are highly relevant to the federal governments medium-term policy agenda, and to ensure the effective transfer of this knowledge to policy-makers. The PRI leads research projects, rather than primarily coordinating department-based efforts. A team of approximately twenty-five policy research analysts, from diverse academic backgrounds, works on several research projects in partnerships with participating federal departments. Projects in early 2005 centered on issues related to population aging and increased life-course flexibility, new approaches to address poverty and exclusion, the role of social capital as a policy tool, the social economy, the management of freshwater in Canada, the emergence of Canada-US cross-border regions, the need for increased Canada-US regulatory cooperation and the costs and benefits of a customs union with the United-States. Final reports for most of these projects were expected over the year. Interim research products are often featured in Horizons, the PRIs flagship publication,

While the PRI is now more focused on meeting the needs of the internal federal community, it still undertakes extensive work to build linkages between federal analysts and extra-governmental researchers. Through a partnership with the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), the two organizations have hosted more than a dozen research roundtables in 2003 and 2004, bringing together leading Canadian scholars with senior federal officials to address specific, targeted issues relating to the PRI horizontal projects.

Since its creation the PRI has used different means to promote horizontal collaboration and to foster a sense of community among federal researchers. Beyond its cross-cutting research projects and its publication Horizons, the PRIs contribution to supporting horizontal research collaboration extends to its leadership of the Policy Research Data Group (PRDG). The PRDG is an interdepartmental committee formed in 1998 to address data gaps that linked to medium to longer-term policy priorities. Composed of senior managers from departments with identifiable research functions together with officials from Statistics Canada and the central agencies, the PRDG manages a fund of $20 million per year allocated for the development of data needed to carry out horizontal research. Priority data projects are identified by the group and the data is then developed by Statistics Canada, primarily through surveys (such as the General Social Survey, the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada, the Workplace and Employee Survey, the Post-secondary Transition Survey, and the International Adult Literacy and Lifeskills Survey, amongst several others). The PRDG holds regular workshops on data-related issues, where departments and external researchers can present proposals for new surveys or other data developments. The PRI chairs the PRDG and provides the Group with the necessary support and coordination.

Reaching Out to the External Policy Analysis Community

One of the principal areas of progress with regard to the policy capacity of the federal government since the Fellegi Report has been in the variety of new partnerships with extra-departmental researchers. Interviews with senior managers in 2002 (Armstrong et al. 2002) demonstrated a consensus that building such connections is no longer an area of strategic concern. The Policy Research Initiative has played a key role in building these links, but several other initiatives have played a similar role in reaching out to the wider analysis community.

The Metropolis Project represents one creative new partnership model. Launched in 1996 at Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC), this project sought to develop the governments analytic capacity to manage immigration and diversity by actively developing linkages to the academic community through institutionally-coordinated grant-funded research. Funded by a consortium of federal departments and agencies, including CIC and SSHRC, the project provides core funds to five university-based Centres of Excellence in Montreal, Toronto, Edmonton, Vancouver and Atlantic Canada to which over 200 Canadian researchers are affiliated. In addition, the Metropolis Project has an international arm that involves partnerships with policy makers and researchers from over 20 countries, including the United States, most of Western Europe, Israel and Argentina and from the Asia-Pacific region. Knowledge generated is transferred to federal officials through annual national and international conferences, and frequent workshops and seminars. The project has been successful in building links between academics and government policy researchers, and mid-level federal managers.

Another important development in recent years has been the introduction of the Research Data Centres program. In 1998, a national task force, the Canadian Initiative on Social Statistics, recommended the creation of research facilities to give academic researchers improved access to Statistics Canada’s microdata files to allow researchers in the social sciences to build expertise in quantitative methodology and analysis and improve the availability of rigorous, policy-relevant research. In partnership with SSHRC and a number of universities, Statistics Canada has developed twelve Research Data Centres ( RDCs) located across the country. RDCs provide researchers with access, in a secure university setting, to microdata from population and household surveys. The centres are operated under the provisions of the Statistics Act in accordance with all the confidentiality rules and are accessible only to researchers with approved projects who have been sworn in under the Statistics Act as ‘deemed employees.’

The issue of knowledge transfer and building stronger bridges between government officials and researchers undertaking policy-relevant work has become a central concern for the three major federal granting agencies, including SSHRC, the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC) and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR). For example, CIHR had a knowledge translation requirement built into its founding act in 2000. More recently SSHRC, Canadas primary research funding agency in the social sciences and humanities, has embarked on a process of transformation from a granting council to a knowledge council. By this, SSHRC means that it would remain a council that delivers grants awarded through peer review, but would also increase its support and facilitation of transfers of research knowledge to analysts and decision-makers in government, as well as other mediators and users of knowledge. Some of SSHRCs programs have already begun to stress this knowledge transfer capacity. For example, the Community-University Research Alliances (CURA) program connects the knowledge produced with community-based user needs. Similarly, SSHRC has recently partnered with the PRI to organize a series of important policy-relevant roundtables bringing together academics and federal policy officials. The Council recently launched the Strategic Research Clusters Design Grants program which is advertised as the first concrete step towards its transformation as a knowledge council. The strategic clusters are national research networks, each focused on a particular theme, that enable researchers to interact, on an ongoing basis, with each other, and with research users and other stakeholders.

Although pre-dating the Fellegi report with its establishment in 1991, the Canadian Employment Research Forum (CERF) remains a reference point when looking at ways to connect the federal policy research community with the external community. CERF is a non-profit corporation governed by a board of directors of both government officials and university-based academics that was set up at the invitation, and with the financial support, of Employment and Immigration Canada in the early nineties. It has successfully brought labour market researchers together at a series of conferences and workshops, enabling academic researchers to better identify the policy needs of government officials, and for government officials to be better informed of the latest relevant academic research. CERF has grown to be a robust bridge between and among university researchers and policy researchers from the federal government. However, the initiative has lost some momentum in more recent years and activities have been limited as the federal government core funding was replaced with irregular event-based financial support.

Departmental Policy Research Capacity

Although these represent important initiatives, the Fellegi Report was particularly insistent on the importance of investing in the policy capacity within departments. What has happened to the departmental capacity since Fellegi?

Concerns remain that the medium to longer-term capacity in many departments is still weak, and that the tyranny of the urgent still predominates with much too much analysis be simply reactive and more superficial than desirable (Armstrong et al. 2002: 6-8). That said, there are clearly some departments who have made, or continued to make, strong investments in medium-term research work over the past decade.

The leaders

The Department of Finance is probably where policy analysis in the federal government has been the most stable, as the department was largely unaffected by program reviews and spending cuts. In addition to providing ongoing policy analysis in its various areas of responsibilities, Finance has always maintained a capacity to carry rigorous policy research on medium term issues. The Economic Studies and Policy Analysis Division is the focal point of that research, with working papers being published regularly on a large scope of issues.

The Bank of Canada is also staffed with a load of policy analysts, mostly economists, devoted to financial market analysis, banking issues, macroeconomics and monetary policy. The Research Department alone, where most of the work falls into the mid-term research category, is staffed with more than sixty researchers.

Over the last decade, Statistics Canada has considerably increased the quantity of analytical products coming from their data collection activities. Four groups are responsible for the bulk of the departments research publications: Business and Labour Market Analysis, Family and Labour Studies, Health Analysis and Measurement and Micro-economic Analysis. Staffed with some fifty social scientists and a few affiliated researchers from academia, these groups conduct research on various labour market topics, productivity, technology and innovation, family outcomes, and health topics. Statistics Canada researchers benefit from direct and unrestricted access to the rich data sets collected by the organization.

While commenting on the recent deterioration of the policy capacity across the federal government, the Fellegi Report noted that Human Resources Development Canada was an exception with its investment in forward-looking planning and research. The Applied Research Branch, created in 1994, conducted policy research covering labour market, human capital development, income security, social development, labour adjustment and workplace innovation issues and for several years was the largest social policy research capacity in Canada. The ARB built on the significant investments made by Employment and Immigration Canada in the area of surveys, social experiments and program evaluation well before the creation of HRDC. The ARB proposed a new model for managing mid-term policy research, by getting actively engaged not only in the interpretation of data, but also in the planning of surveys and other data collected though social experiments. External experts would be invited to collaborate with ARBs research staff and the organizations responsible for the data collection in developing research hypothesis, planning the survey or the experiments in accordance with these hypotheses and then harvesting the information and conducting primary research as various waves of data became available. The branch lost some momentum when HRDC got caught in a middle of highly mediatized, and quite overblown, scandal over data holdings and data linkages. As part of an internal reorganization plan, the research branch was partly dismantled in the early 2000s and the remaining research group was further split when HRDC resources were reallocated in December 2003 into two new departments, Social Development and Human Resources and Skills Development.

The Micro-Economic Policy Analysis (MEPA) branch of Industry Canada also ranks among the large research units of the federal public service. The branch emerged in the early 1990s as a central point of policy research expertise for providing policy analysis and advice on a wide range of issues related to the knowledge-based economy and the need to improve Canadas innovation performance. The forty economists or so who work in the branch divide their time between the management of research contracts, their own research work and the articulation of key messages to policy-makers. The MEPA has been particularly successful in the past ten years in attracting the contribution of top North-American scholars to their research agenda and in transferring the results of this research to policy makers, thanks to a special talent at translating research findings into decks which have become the standard way of communication with senior officials and decision-makers.

Strategic analytical efforts at Health Canada were at one time quite diffuse throughout the department. In recent years they have moved to a hybrid model with the creation of a core corporate applied research group, the Applied Research and Analysis Directorate, combined with a number of smaller units distributed through its various branches. The Branch core function is to develop and implement a strategic policy research agenda for medium and long-term issues, helping co-ordinate Health Canada’s internal and external policy research activities, and funding extramural research under the Health Policy Research Program. The Directorate, with over fifty researchers, now compares very well with the research capacity of other line departments like Industry, HRSD and SD and engages in research partnerships, modeling and data collection activities, as well as program evaluation.

Why do these high-capacity departments stand out? Often thanks to the leadership of particular senior managers who, even in a period of downsizing, insisted on the importance of investment in medium-term strategic research capacity. Even in a period of fiscal restraint and a focus on program management, these managers continued to ask questions which demanded analytical, evidence-based responses and to ensure that some resources were made available to provide those answers (Riddell 1998: 5). As well, these departments did not hesitate in regrouping their research resources to create critical masses that could be identified with a mid-term to long-term focus, and remained somewhat remote and protected from daily demands and crisis faced by most policy shops.

The B pool

Other departments have made notable attempt to build up their mid-term research capacity in response to the Felligi report. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, Heritage Canada and Citizenship and Immigration fall in this category. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada established a Strategic Research and Analysis Directorate in 1993 with a mandate to support the Federal Governments policy making regarding the changing relationship between the Federal Government and First Nations, Inuit and northern peoples of Canada through a program of policy research, analysis and advice. The Directorate has a small staff that manages research from external experts and participates directly with products of their own as well. In November 2002, INAC and the University of Western Ontario organized the first Aboriginal Policy Research Conference. The nearly 700 delegates came from the federal government and academics and Aboriginal organizations to spend three days discussing research and policy.

Heritage Canada invested in building some mid-term policy research capacity in the second half of the 1990s with the creation of the Strategic Policy and Research Branch which provides a corporate research function to support the long-term strategic direction of the Department and contribute to the overall Government research agenda in areas which affect the mandate of Canadian Heritage. International Trade Canada has a small unit devoted to trade policy research and since 2001 produces on an annual basis a compendium of trade-related research work and analysis undertaken within and on behalf of the Department.

In addition to supporting the Metropolis project as one of the key funding partners, Citizenship and Immigration Canada maintains an internal research program mainly oriented towards the exploitation of the information provided by the Longitudinal Immigration Database and by surveys dealing with the labour market performance of immigrants. Agriculture Canadas Research and Analysis Directorate relies on large-scale computer models and other sectoral models to measure how changes in market conditions or policies affect the agricultural sector. Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation conducts mid-term research to help address national housing issues and has a large grants and awards program to foster innovation and the development of the external housing research community. Infrastructure Canada is the new kid on the block with substantial investment in research since its creation in 2003. A small research unit, the Research and Analysis Division, manages a series of research priorities on public infrastructure issues in collaboration with other federal governments and devotes a significant amount of resources to external research contracts.

Status of Women Canada has a handful of researchers that manages since 1996 a Policy Research Fund to support independent, forward-thinking policy research on gender equality issues. Over forty projects have been funded since the first call for proposals was issued in 1997. The Law Commission of Canada is an independent federal law reform agency that advises Parliament on how to improve and modernize Canadas law. The Commission manages research projects, mostly commissioned to external experts, on various themes. The Canada Rural Partnership supports research and analysis that provides socio-economic information and analysis on rural Canada and matters of interest to rural Canada.

The Canada School of Public Service has a Vice-president heading a unit named Research and University Relations which seeks to provide relevant, accessible, and leading-edge research in governance and public management for federal public servants. The unit is relatively small, with less than a dozen staff, but draws as well on external experts and works with many Canadian universities to carry their research workplan. The RCMPs Strategic Direction sector incorporates policy development and research capacity to provide advice and support to senior management in setting the strategic direction of the organization. The sector is mainly known outside of the RCMP for his thorough environmental scan of the socio-economic, technological, legal and political environment, both at the domestic and international levels.

The above does not represent a comprehensive review of all policy research capacity across federal departments. Our brief overview nevertheless suggests that the amount of resources engaged in medium-term policy analysis and research across the federal government is not negligible. But the number of issues calling for in-depth analysis, and of particular relevance to the federal government, is far from negligible either.

Has progress been made since the Felligi report? Overall progress in some of the departments may have offset some setbacks in other departments. Also, the distribution of research capacity remains highly unequal from one department to another. What the above description does not reflect is the impact of recent budgetary measures calling for spending cuts and reallocation across all departments. For several departments, these pressures just add to previous department-specific reallocation exercises and have led to a gradual erosion of departmental research and data development budgets. While researchers jobs may have not been cut, there are clear indications that the branch budgets devoted to non-salary items, contracts, conferences, data development or other operational items, have clearly suffered.

Analytic Tools and Methods

Over the past decade, the federal government has invested in a number of new tools and methodologies to improve its medium to longer-term policy research capacity. For example, Statistics Canada in partnership with a number of departments such as HRDC and CIC, and with the guidance and support of the Policy Research Data Group, has introduced a number of important new longitudinal surveys which, while costly and time-consuming to produce, have significant advantages over cross-sectional data. Examples include the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada, the National Graduate Surveys and Follow-up Surveys, the School Leavers Surveys, the Workplace and Employees Survey). These surveys provide federal government analysts with the capacity to much better identify the key trends and challenges in several strategic policy areas including early childhood development, labour market transitions, and immigrant integration

Federal departments have also continued to invest in modeling techniques, which have improved their capacity to undertake medium and longer-term analysis. Macroeconomic models, introduced in the seventies, remain a key tool for any research or analysis involving macroeconomic forecasting or macro policy analysis. The Department of Finance and the Bank of Canada have traditionally been the most intensive users, but other departments use them as well. For instance, occupational projections introduced at Employment and Immigration in the early eighties are produced regularly with the help of such macroeconomic models and their derivatives. General equilibrium models were instrumental in assessing the merits of introducing key policy reforms, such as GST or the Free Trade Agreement. They are still used today by departments like Finance, Industry Canada, International Trade and Agriculture Canada, to assess the economic efficiency gains and potential increases in GDP per capita that could result from major policy changes.

Microsimulation models, such as Statistics Canadas Social Policy Simulation Database and Model (SPSD/M) have been handling the distributional impact of proposed policy options for the last two decades. More recently, Statistics Canada introduced a new model, the LifePaths microsimulation model of individuals and families. The model allows for a better appreciation of how various policies designed to impact decisions at different points in the lifecourse interact to affect the outcomes of individual trajectories. The LifePaths model creates data about an artificial population that mirrors the characteristics of Canadian society. As Rowe notes, this represents a radical addition to the analytic tool kit that offers the prospect for improved public policy investments to support Canadians in all the diversity of their lifecourse (Rowe 2003: 8). Health Canada also developed its own micro-simulation models. The Pharmasim model quantifies the impact of changes to provincial pharmacare programs on households and government expenditures. And the Health-Tax Microsimulation Model (HTSIM) enables analysts to quantify the impact of changes to tax measures.

Through HRDC, the federal government has also made substantial investments in social experimentation in the 1980s. A yearly budget approximating $20 million has been supporting several large field experiments and demonstration projects in various locations of Canada during most of the nineties. Projects such as the Self-sufficiency Project based in B.C. and New-Brunswick, the Community Employment Innovation Project taking place in Cape Breton, Nova-Scotia, and the Learn$ave Project implemented in 10 sites across Canada, involved thousands of participants and use rigorous quantitative analysis, in the form of random-assignment evaluation design, to test and evaluate proposals for new programs and policy initiatives. However, HRDC (and now HRSD) investments in social experimentation are unique, as other departments have not yet devoted any resources to this powerful analytical tool for better policy design. HRDC has also been innovating by making use of laboratory experiments, or experimental economics, to inform policy design. In 2002, the Canada Student Loans Program commissioned the Social Research and Demonstration Corporation (SRDC) to conduct an economic experiment to test the response of program recipients to the provision of various forms of short-term/part-time student financial assistance.

Environmental scanning is a technique that has gained in popularity with several federal departments. Generally a typical scan is a report capturing a view of the socio-cultural, economic, technological, environmental and even political trends and circumstances around the organization (Howe, 2004, 81). Efforts are currently being made to better integrate the various departmental scans currently underway, but for now, this activity is only carried on a small scale and remains highly decentralized.

Does all this make a difference?

One might question the need to be concerned about the federal government policy research capacity, given the assertions that such policy analysis work has little impact on either day-to-day government operations or longer term policy directions (Pal 2001: 23; Brooks 1996: 85). Yet the work of such units, with a medium- to long-term focus, can and does often make an important difference, to the development of government policy. Often this influence is only indirect, introducing concepts, insights and alternatives that may only gradually, depending upon the right circumstances, resonate with decision-makers and take hold in the policy development process. At other times, such work may have a much more direct impact. For example, in the late nineties, the Deputy Minister of Industry made ten presentations in twelve months of the work of the departments Micro-Economic Policy Branch (Riddell 1998: 7) — work that very directly informed the governments innovation agenda. Similarly, Picot offers several examples where the quantitative analysis of Statistics Canada has played a substantial role in informing many key policy areas over the past decade including the reform of Employment Insurance, child poverty efforts, promotion of research and development, immigrant integration, and issues of access to post-secondary education (Picot 2003). Similarly, the work of the Applied Research Branch of HRDC during the nineties contributed to inspire various government initiatives in the area of adult education, child development, youth employment and parental benefits. It also prevented the government from reacting to alarmist diagnosis, like the claim regarding the end of work in the mid nineties, by producing thorough analysis of labour market trends.

Conclusion: Looking ahead

Policy research capacity within the federal government is healthy and compares well with the capacity observed in other OECD governments. Recent analysis point to a problem of demand as opposed to a problem of supply (Armstrong, 2002). Decision-makers and senior government officials are overload with information and are captive of the crisis or issues of the day. They rarely find the time to give proper consideration to research findings. This demand deficiency makes the supply the more vulnerable. If policy researchers fail to create opportunities to present the results of their work, they may not survive the recurrent waves of resources reallocation, departmental reorganizations and spending cuts that have characterized the lives of all levels of governments, as well as private sector businesses, since the last recession. More emphasis has to be put on knowledge transfers and finding appropriate mechanisms to package and convey the results of the policy research to senior officials and Ministers. The role of knowledge broker is bound to increase in future years, especially in large organizations. It is therefore imperative that the federal government preserves a solid internal policy research capacity that has the ability to speak the language of policy as well as the language of research. Canada can afford more think-tanks and scholars devoted to the analysis of policy issues. In that regard we may be lagging other countries, such as the U.S. or the U.K. But without a strong internal capacity to produce, process and synthesize research information, to translate and to communicate, new investments in research capacity external to governments, may not do much to improve the quality of policy making.

References

Armstrong, Jim, et al. 2002. Strengthening Policy Capacity: Report on Interviews with Senior Managers, February-March 2002. The Governance Network.

Brooks, Stephen. 2002. “Policy Analysis in Canada.” In Christopher Dunn, ed., The Handbook of Canadian Public Administration. Don Mills: Oxford University Press.

Brooks, Stephen. 1996. “The Policy Analysis Profession in Canada.” In Laurent Dobuzinskis et al., eds., Policy Studies in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Canada. 1996. Strengthening Our Policy Capacity. Report of the Task Force on Strengthening the Policy Capacity of the Federal Government [The Fellegi Report]. Ottawa.

Curtain, Richard. 2000. “Good Public Policy Making: How Australia Fares.” Agenda: A Journal of Policy Analysis and Reform 8, no.1: 33-46.

Hollander, Marcus J., and Michael J. Prince. “Analytical Units in the Federal and Provincial Governments: Origins, Functions and Suggestions for Effectiveness. ” Canadian Public Administration 36, no.2: 190-224.

Howe, Valerie. 2004. “Environmental Scan Initiative,” Horizons 7, no.1: 81-82

Pal, Leslie. 2001. Beyond Policy Analysis: Public Issue Management in Turbulent Times. Scarborough, ON: Nelson Thompson.

Picot, Garnett. 2003. “Does Statistical Analysis Matter?” Horizons 6, no.1: 6-10.

Riddell, Norman. 1998. Policy Research Capacity in the Federal Government. A Report prepared for the Policy Research Initiative. Ottawa.

Rowe, Geoff. 2003. “Fragments of Lives: Enabling New Policy Directions through Integrated Life-Course Data.” Horizons 6, no.2: 7-11.

Savoie, Donald J. 2004. “Searching for Accountability in a Government Without Boundaries.” Canadian Public Administration 47, no.2: 1-26.

United Kingdom, Cabinet Office. 1999. The Modernising Government White Paper. London.

Voyer, Jean-Pierre, 2003. “Les techniques exprimentales au service de la politique sociale,” Sociologie et Socits, vol xxxv, no 1,

iEndnotes

I would like to thank Robert Judge, from the Policy Research Initiative, for his contribution and assistance in writing this paper.

ii As part of its commitment to improved horizontal and strategic policy development, in 1998 the UK government established the Performance and Innovation Unit (PIU) in the Cabinet Office, reporting directly to the Prime Minister through the Cabinet Secretary. The PIU was designed to report on select issues crossing departmental boundaries and to propose policy innovations to improve the delivery of government objectives. In 2001, a second unit, the Prime Ministers Forward Strategy Unit, was established to provide the Prime Minister and other Cabinet Ministers with strategic, private thinking. A year later the two units were merged to form the Prime Ministers Strategy Unit. The Strategy Unit is located in the Cabinet Office and reports directly to the Prime Minister.

iii Under the Trend Project, the PRI, in cooperation with the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, developed six books where team of academics examined different forces that are driving change in Canada and identified the potential implications for policy.

iv The proceedings of these conferences were published under the following titles: Transition to the Knowledge of Society: Policies and Strategies for Individual Participation and Learning. ed. Kjell Rubenson and Hans G. Schuetze. Vancouver, BC: UBC Institute for European Studies, 2000; Doing Business in the Knowledge-Based Economy: Facts and Policy Challenges. ed. Louis A. Lefebvre, Elisabeth Lefebvre, Pierre Mohnen. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001, and Citizenship and Participation in the Information Age. ed. Manjunath Pendakur and Roma Harris. Aurora, ON: Garamond Press, 2002.

USA News

Trump Impeachment Whistle-blower Fiona Hill IS A Star Soros Operative

Roger Stone in 2017: “George Soros has penetrated the Trump White House. Soros has planted a mole infiltrating the national security apparatus – a woman named Fiona Hill, who has a Harvard background, has been on the Soros payroll and the payroll of Open Society.” (1)

November 21, 2019, Fiona Hill is testifying at President Trump’s Impeachment “Inquiry”. (2)

Fiona was insistant she was not a globalist, and not connected to Soros, and that attacks on Soros are “anti-semetic”, but here is Fiona’s background…

Fiona Hill is an author at The Globalist, where they have trademarked the slogan “Rethinking Globalism”. (3)

Fiona Hill has been inside Soros’s Open Society Institute (OSI) (NY) since before Nov. 04, 2000… Fiona Hill. (Filed May 10, 2001). NEW DIRECTOR, Appointment of director or secretary, Form 288a, Advisory Board, Open Society Institute, signed Nov. 04, 2000, Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), Co. No. 2744185. Companies House (UK). (4) (5) (6)

fiona 1
fiona hill 2.jpg

Fiona Hill is a member of the Council of Foreign Relations and sits on the board of the Eurasia Foundation. (7)

Eurasia Foundation is under the Open Society umbrella.(8) One must assume so since in her own handwriting, Fiona Hill claims association to George Soros’ Open Society Institute, as an Advisory Board Member with Central Eurasia Project.

Media Matters (Soros) called Roger Stone’s outing of Fiona Hill as a Soros (OSI) operative a “SMEAR”, however, Stone was right. This is the actual [Soros] Media Matters article. (9)

Remarkably, she was hired to advise OSI while she was still completing her PhD at Harvard in History. (10)

Open Society Institute.jpg

According to her resume Fiona Hill worked for the George Soros Open Society Institute from 2000-2006. (11)

Her PhD thesis chair was Richard Pipes, a notoriously biased Russian history professor who was a speaker at two Bilderberg conferences, was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and was a C.I.A. advisor to Bush Sr.

Also remarkably, no Fiona Hill biography discovered so far ever mentions her relationship with George Soros or his political entities. (12)

In addition, Vindman (13) & Fiona Hill (14) are represented by Boies, Schiller & Flexner, the same firm that represents Burisma.

Yes, that Burisma who pays Hunter Biden $83,000 a month for nothing, the same Burisma that was being investigated by the Ukrainian prosecutor that Joe Biden extorted his firing. Small world? There are no coincidences in Washington DC or Ukrainian corruption. You would think that Fiona would not want be associated with the equivalent of a Ukrainian mafia attorney but instead she engages them. (15) (16)

References:

  1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IJXkIbu1c04
  2. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KT-4aqMxsa4
  3. https://www.theglobalist.com/fiona-hill-impeachment-hearings-donald-trump-russia-ukraine/
  4. https://www.companiesintheuk.co.uk/form/the-institute-for-war-and-peace-reporting-(iwpr)/NEWINC/1992-09-01/42725661
  5. https://www.companiesintheuk.co.uk/company/the-institute-for-war-and-peace-reporting-(iwpr)/people
  6. https://www.companiesintheuk.co.uk/form/the-institute-for-war-and-peace-reporting-(iwpr)/288a/2001-05-10/6148252
  7. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fiona_Hill_(presidential_advisor)
  8. https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/who-we-are/programs/eurasia-program
  9. https://www.mediamatters.org/roger-stone/former-nsc-staffer-fiona-hill-testified-about-receiving-death-threats-after-being
  10. https://fconline.foundationcenter.org/fdo-grantmaker-profile/?key=OPEN012
  11. https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/fp_20170207_hill_cv.pdf
  12. https://patriots4truth.org/2019/11/20/fiona-hills-is-a-soros-operative/
  13. https://www.newsweek.com/vindman-sends-letter-fox-news-seeking-retraction-after-ingraham-suggests-he-might-guilty-1473131
  14. https://www.law.com/2019/11/21/big-law-clients-testify-today-fintech-fizzling-in-us-tesla-gc-on-the-move-the-morning-minute/?slreturn=20191027213339
  15. https://www.realclearinvestigations.com/articles/2019/11/19/hunter_bidens_burisma_post_had_a_troubling_conflict_watchdog_says_121260.html
  16. https://112.international/politics/hunter-bidens-lawyer-denies-joe-bidens-influnce-on-sons-business-in-burisma-and-chinese-bhr-44504.html
Mystery Babylon

Pope Commemorates Moloch Statue at Roman Colosseum, Symbolizing Child Sacrifice Still Exists

Colorado Public School Forces Students to Recite Pornographic Poem Praising  Pagan God Moloch -
Image on the chest of the idol that Pope Francis allowed to be placed at the entrance to the Colosseum in Rome

“Yea, ye took up the tabernacle of Moloch, and the star of your god …, figures which ye made to worship them: and I will carry you away beyond Babylon” Acts 7:43

A statue of the pagan deity Moloch, to which children were sacrificed in the ancient world, is now stationed at the entrance to the Colosseum in Rome, which had been designated as a sacred site because of the Christian martyrs who died there (1)(2).

The statue of Moloch outside the Colosseum was billed as celebration of Carthaginian culture and art. To celebrate Carthaginian culture at all is disturbing, since it has been proven from archeological research that children were indeed sacrificed there (3)(4). Carthage was also considered one of Rome’s greatest enemies (5).

“A reconstruction of the terrible deity Moloch, linked to Phoenician and Carthaginian religions and featured in the 1914 film ‘Cabiria’ (directed by Giovanni Pastore and written by Gabriele D’Annunzio) will be stationed at the entrance to the Colosseum to ‘welcome’ visitors to the exhibition,” a press release states (6).

Despite the fact that the pope approved the placement of the statue himself (7), many faithful Catholics are outraged that a representation of the pagan god sits outside a place where Christians were brutally tortured and killed, Life Site News reports (8).

“We were so excited the day we decided to go to the Colosseum,” Alexandra Clark told the outlet. “But the moment we got there the sight that greeted us was horrifying! Standing guard over the entrance was the colossal pagan statue of Moloch. It was placed in that prime spot so that everyone that entered into the Colosseum had to pass it,” she said, noting that it felt as though it was placed there to mock where the martyrs were slaughtered (9).

The false god ‘Moloch’, was historically worshiped by both the Canaanites and the Phoenicians. It is referenced many times throughout the Bible, from the book of Leviticus (the third book of the Bible) all the way up until after Jesus’ death and resurrection (10)(11). For a Catholic pope to want to celebrate something like this, it is made clear that we really are dealing with a post-Christian pope (12)(13).

And I will set my face against that man, and will cut him off from among his people; because he hath given of his seed unto Molech, to defile my sanctuary, and to profane my holy name.

Leviticus 20:3

According to the Jewish commentator Rashi, the Canaanites would give their children to pagan leaders who made two massive bonfires. The child is carried by his legs between the two fires. The Torah prohibits the ritual of giving over one’s children to these pagan leaders to pass through the fire (14). Archaeological excavations since the 1920s have produced evidence for child sacrifice in Carthage as well as inscriptions including the term MLK, either a theonym or a technical term associated with sacrifice (15)(16).

The Moloch statue now in Rome is the statue featured in the move Cabiria.

Cabiria is a 1914 Italian epic silent film, directed by Giovanni Pastrone and shot in Turin. The film is set in ancient Sicily, Carthage, and Cirta during the period of the Second Punic War (218–202 BC). It follows a melodramatic main plot about an abducted little girl, Cabiria, and features an eruption of Mt. Etna and heinous religious rituals in Carthage (17).

The movie was directed by Giovanni Pastrone and written by Gabriele Annunzio (18)(19). Gabriele Annunzio was an Illuminati member and 33rd degree Freemason deeply involved with sexual magick practices. He contributed to the screenplay, writing all of the intertitles, naming the characters and even the movie itself. He is responsible for spreading Fascism to Mussolini and Hitler (20). In 1919, he declared himself the leader of Fiume, Italy. The city became a haven for “all kinds of Illuminati misfits like occultists, futurists, practitioners of free love and, of course, satanists (21),”

The statue, once used in the ancient world to perform child sacrifice to, then used to film Cabiria, now sits in a very holy place in Rome. This is an indication of what our world is coming to. This is not the first time the pope has approved of or engaged in pagan rituals. In October, an “ecological ritual” was performed in the Vatican garden, where people bowed down to pagan idols while the pope watched. He then blessed one of the statues (22). He is now even considering adding “ecological sins” to the list of sins according to the Vatican, not the Bible (23).

Cabiria was released in Italy on April 18, 1914 and in June, 1914, Cabiria became the first motion picture to be screened on the lawn at the White House, and viewed by President Wilson and his family from the porch and lawn chairs (24). A film that was known to depict children being sacrificed to Moloch was shown at the White House.

Interestingly, the Babylonian “goddess” Ishtar would conduct human sacrifice at her temple, known as the White House (25).

If there is any doubt we live in a time when the Babylonian Mystery Religion reigns supreme, one must only look to the Statue of Moloch that now greets EVERY visitor to Rome.

Moloch may have a connection to Canada’s Frank Giustra, who has been covered in previous articles (26). As we have seen, Moloch is depicted as a bull. In an image from Giustra’s website, a mural is pictured that contains a pedophile symbol. The symbol seems to be held by a bull. Is this a sign that Giustra may be involved with sacrificing children to Moloch?

A bull holding a pedophilia symbol from Frank Giustra’s Radcliffe Foundation website (27)

The following movie offers a clear explanation as far understanding the concept of Babylon. It also points to the fact that the Vatican fits all ten of the criteria for the beast from the book of Daniel. The portion of the video that explains this begins at the 53 minute mark. The creators of this film, School for Prophets, will be releasing Part 2 on November 24th (28). If you haven’t repented yet, now is the time!

References:

  1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colosseum
  2. https://www.bible-history.com/past/ignatius_martyr_lions.html
  3. https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/ancient-cultures/did-the-carthaginians-really-practice-infant-sacrifice/
  4. https://www.theguardian.com/science/2014/jan/21/carthaginians-sacrificed-own-children-study
  5. https://www.thoughtco.com/who-was-hannibal-118905
  6. https://parcocolosseo.it/en/2019/08/carthago-the-immortal-myth-from-27-september-the-new-large-scale-exhibition-of-parco-archeologico-del-colosseo/
  7. https://christianresearchnetwork.org/2019/11/08/with-approval-from-vatican-canaanite-idol-moloch-put-on-display-in-rome/
  8. https://www.lifesitenews.com/news/statue-of-ancient-god-of-child-sacrifice-put-on-display-in-rome-days-before-amazon-synod
  9. https://www.christianpost.com/news/moloch-statue-child-sacrifice-colosseum-holy-site-christian-martyrs.html
  10. https://www.biblegateway.com/quicksearch/?quicksearch=molech&qs_version=KJV&limit=25
  11. https://www.biblegateway.com/quicksearch/?quicksearch=moloch&qs_version=KJV&limit=25
  12. https://www.lucianne.com/2019/10/27/the_post-christian_pope_and_the_pacha_idols_18841.html
  13. https://www.catholicstand.com/pope-francis-has-single-handedly-destroyed-catholicism/
  14. https://www.breakingisraelnews.com/139530/under-watchful-eye-vatican-canaanite-idol-moloch-on-display-in-rome/
  15. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moloch
  16. https://carm.org/moloch-ancient-pagan-god-child-sacrifice
  17. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cabiria
  18. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Giovanni_Pastrone
  19. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gabriele_D%27Annunzio
  20. https://italicsmag.com/2019/09/12/gabriele-dannunzio-fiume-enterprise-100-years-on/
  21. http://leozagami.com/2019/11/03/catholics-outraged-as-statue-of-moloch-is-placed-in-the-colosseum/
  22. https://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news/indigenous-ritual-performed-in-vatican-gardens-for-popes-tree-planting-ceremony-60523
  23. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7693147/Pope-Francis-considers-introducing-new-ecological-sin-bid-battle-climate-change.html
  24. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cabiria
  25. https://books.google.ca/books?id=FviGTKoV6kwC&pg=PA215&lpg=PA215&dq=ishtar+white+house+sacrifice&source=bl&ots=aucHJxmZoS&sig=ACfU3U2vkW96SQ3rSSVT4awS5DD9JLq0Pg&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjertvrhuHlAhXSUt8KHa1HBl0Q6AEwF3oECAgQAQ#v=onepage&q=ishtar%20white%20house%20sacrifice&f=false
  26. https://civilianintelligencenetwork.ca/2019/10/30/part-3-frank-giustras-pizzagate-history/
  27. https://web.archive.org/web/20170921072840/http://radcliffefoundation.org/project/elpida-home/
  28. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCMhoR87R4C4jQ_-nybWvZgA