Privy Council

DOSSIER: Mennie Mexico Slides

Canada Strategy Regarding Work Competencies

Workshop to support economic growth
Mexico, September 2004

Authored by Johanne Mennie (ref)

Slide 4 Translation:

Strategic objectives

Faced with these challenges, there is a need to reconsider and modify employment programs so that they respond to changes in the labor market:

-An employment system that encourages the development of specialized, adaptable and resilient employees. (promote lifelong education, allow the workforce to fully utilize the skills, knowledge and skills they possess)

-A flexible, efficient and productive labor market (decrease barriers to labor mobility so that Canadians can take advantage of existing and emerging employment opportunities, support the smooth transition of the labor market by helping people to get and keep your job)

-A full participation of Canadians who face obstacles in the labor market. (emphasis on Aboriginal Canadians, recently arrived immigrants, youth and less skilled older workers)

-A better capacity to respond to the needs of employers (emphasis on the workplace and participation of employers to ensure a continuous growth of high-value employment opportunities)

Consideration:

This slide contains some great advice as far as facing challenges in the Canadian workforce, and it emphasizes four groups of people. If Aboriginal Canadians, youth, and older workers are already facing obstacles, it does not make sense to include even more people to those groups. Adding recently-arrived immigrants puts more strain on the system and more competition for jobs (ref). Considering many immigrants do not even speak English or French, they require language courses paid for by Canadian taxpayers (ref), along with other government programs (ref). Flooding Canada with immigrants means that even the Canadian underemployed will have to pay for them (ref)!

Slide 7 Translation:

Underemployment:

-In 2001, 35% of workers with EPS had unskilled jobs that did not require an EPS diploma

-The integration of immigrants is a big problem

-24% of people with highly specialized jobs had a maximum of completed education

-Canadian aboriginals represent an untapped source

Considerations:

Considering the previous slide, this slide provides further evidence that integrating immigrants is a “big problem”, in a nation with people who are already facing obstacles entering the workforce or getting a better job.

Slide 10 Translation:

Conclusions: main human resources problems faced by entrepreneurs

-Lack of access to information

-Small companies do not know where to go, with whom to talk to talk about their needs in terms of human resources planning

-They report on the shortage of skilled / experienced / trained workers

-Difficulty in hiring staff or hiring workers not fully qualified to “fill in pits” or unable to retain staff

-Lack of skills to plan HR and good HR practices

-they do not know what knowledge, skills, abilities, and attitudes are most valuable to the economic performance of the organization

-Insufficient ability to forecast skills needs or measure results

-they ask the government to take the direction to determine what occupations will be needed, when and under what conditions

-Emigration of workers – a key problem in rural and remote regions – also linked to the inability to attract skilled immigrants

Slide 15 Translation:

The Answer – The Skills Strategy at Work – Slide 15

-The Competency at Work Strategy is a coherent plan that will guide the development of policies and programs that recognize the importance of human capital development in, and for, Canadian workplaces.

-The general objective of the Work Skills Strategy is to promote workplaces that support the full development and utilization of the skills and competences of Canadians.

Slide 20 Translation:

Support and strengthening of competence initiatives in the workplace:

– Learning and specialization of a trade

– Strengthen and expand the Pan-Canadian standards of the Red Seal to eliminate mobility obstacles between provinces

– Establish infrastructure funds for training centers in order to improve the training team of specialized trades

– Advice program by sector

– Expand the network of industry-led tips in key sectors to support collective action and thus address the needs of competencies in the workplace

– Emphasis on the council’s initiatives regarding the needs of communities and SMEs

– Recognition of foreign accreditation

– Establish collaborative relationships to improve the integration into the labor market of immigrants specialized mainly in health and engineering

– Support and strengthening of work skills initiatives

Slide 22 Translation:

Steps to follow

Step 1: Commitment

– Continue a phased approach and consult with stakeholders (employers, unions, business associations, sector councils, etc), provinces and territories, as well as other government departments to build and maintain the strategy:

– Evaluate, build and strengthen relationships with stakeholders in the workplace, and

– Informing and cementing the WSS framework, to ensure that it reflects and responds to the skills needs of employers and workers

Step 2:

– Improve concepts and develop ideas through research and diagnostic analysis

Step 3:

– Put ideas to the test

– The ideas will be “tested” against:

– The results of the diagnostic work

– The results of the review of related publications

– Analysis of key sectors of the industry

– Analysis of shortcomings of current programs

– Consultations with interested parties and participating organizations

Privy Council

History of Policy Research Initiative (PRI), Privy Council Office [reprint]

Chapter 9: Policy Analysis in the Federal Government: building the forward-looking policy research capacity

Jean-Pierre Voyer

Policy Research Initiative, Privy Council Office, Government of Canadai

Introduction

A decade ago, senior managers within the federal public service had a collective prise de conscience with regard to the need to reinvest in the federal governments policy capacity. A special Deputy Minister Task Force on Strengthening our Policy Capacity was established in 1995, and it subsequently issued what is commonly referred to as the Fellegi Report. This report presented a key examination of the state of the policy capacity across the federal government, and laid out a roadmap for future reinvestment in this capacity. Almost ten years after the Felligi report, what has happened?

Studies of policy analysis in government often emphasize different elements of what they understand analysis to be. A not atypical recent definition broadly describes policy analysis as the activity of thinking systematically or scientifically about policy problems, the goal of which is policy prescription (Brooks 2002: 192). Such systematic thinking is the lifeblood of the policy development process in government from issue identification and agenda setting, through policy research and policy development, to decision-making and implementation, and finally evaluation and adjustment, policy analysis is a core activity.

Rarely, of course, does the development of policy occur in the linear, rationalistic fashion suggested by this typology. While policy analysts in the federal government strive to be as professional, systematic and scientific as possible in offering their research and advice, they must have the flexibility to respond to the needs of their Ministers in circumstances that may be less than ideal. Indeed, the environment in which policy development and analysis occurs is only getting more and more complex. As Savoie has recently noted, the policy-making process is opened to an ever-wider array of stakeholders and faced with multifaceted and interconnected issues that cut across ministerial lines of responsibility (Savoie 2004).

This said, the Fellegi report a decade ago, as well as more recent interviews with senior government managers (Armstrong et al. 2002) suggest that most departments in the federal government are fairly strong in the provision of short term advice and analysis. The larger area of concern, both then and now, has been with regard to the capacity within the federal government to undertake policy analysis work focused on the medium- to longer-term. The focus of this paper will therefore be on those elements of the federal government dedicated to undertaking medium- to longer-term analytical policy work where that analysis can be more systematic and rigorous, as it is freer from the immediate day-to-day pressures of government operations. We will begin by reviewing the concerns about federal policy capacity that led to the Deputy Minister Task Force and the diagnostic offered in their report with its call for more forward-looking policy capacity. The paper will then touch on key areas of progress over the past decade, including the establishment of the Policy Research Initiative, new initiatives to build connections to the extra-governmental research community, improvements in the medium-term policy research capacity of departments, and the development of new tools for research. We conclude with a look at what may lie ahead in terms of further progress.

The Fellegi Report

By now, the story of the initial investment and enthusiasm in policy analysis within the federal government, followed by a subsequent long period of retrenchment, has become a familiar one (Pal 2001: 24; Hollander and Prince 1993). With the rapid expansion and institutionalization of policy analysis capacity beginning in the sixties and carrying on into the seventies, the federal government took a lead role in the development of policy research and analysis in Canada. It was a time of increasing investment in research and a strong faith in the power of rational, systematic analysis to make a difference. The government also invested in a number of mechanisms to harvest research from the wider policy analysis community, such as the Economic and Science Councils of Canada, various Royal Commissions, and a variety of granting mechanisms. Beginning in the mid-eighties, however, there was a shift in emphasis and resources from policy analysis to program implementation. The preoccupations with (new) public management concerns combined with fiscal restraint meant that the medium-term analysis in many policy areas was sidelined, and the in-house capacity of a number of departments declined. By the mid-1990s, following more than a decade of diminishing capacity and the recent loss of the Economic Council of Canada (a major source of medium and longer-term research for the federal government, see Dobuzinskis in this volume) and other advisory councils, concerns over the state of the federal governments policy capacity led the then Clerk of the Privy Council, Jocelyne Bourgon to launch a Deputy Minister Task Force on Strengthening our Policy Capacity. Chaired by the Government of Canadas Chief Statistician, Ivan Fellegi, the Task Force produced a milestone diagnostic of the state of the federal governments policy capacity.

The Fellegi Report stressed the continued need for a high-quality policy capacity to address key challenges faced by the Federal Government. It suggested that, in this regard, a most notable weakness centered on the capacity to undertake rigorous, longer-term strategic and horizontal analytical work. The Task Force found that most (though importantly not all) departments were generally doing little work in this area owing to a range of factors including a shortage of resources, urgent day-to-day requirements, a perceived lack of demand from senior mangers and officials, and a weak example from key central agencies. While longer-term planning may be difficult in an increasingly complex environment, the report affirmed that positioning the government to deal with longer-term issues in a coherent fashion was the central strategic issue for the government (Canada 1996: 20). It noted that such work was more likely to occur where there were dedicated internal resources (distinct from day-to-day operations), supportive external resources, useful techniques and methodologies, and where there was a strong demand for such work from senior management. The report concluded that while the bulk of such strategic work must take place within departments, the central agencies have a vital role to play in increasing the focus on strategic and major horizontal issues. Yet there is no fully effective central function that helps to define issues of strategic importance, to guide the process for developing longer term and horizontal policies, and to promote interdepartmental networks. PCO is the logical focus for such a function (Canada 1996: 39).

Canada was not the only country in the 1990s to experience concerns about the state of policy capacity within government. Similar questions were being raised in other western democracies that also experienced a significant period of fiscal pressure and emphasis on new public management (Curtain 2000). For example, in the United Kingdom Tony Blairs Labour Government released a white paper on Modernizing Government which suggested that previous emphasis on management reform had paid insufficient attention to policy capacity. Policies too often take the form of incremental change to existing systems, rather than new ideas that take the long-term view and cut across organizational boundaries to get at the root of the problem (United Kingdom 1999, p.16). The UK Government committed itself to improved horizontal and strategic policy development. Recent years have seen the establishment of a number of key new policy analysis units in that government, most notably the Prime Ministers Strategy Unit.ii

The Policy Research Initiative

Perhaps the most important development since the Fellegi Report, in terms of addressing the federal governments capacity to undertake medium-term, horizontal policy analysis, has been the establishment of the Policy Research Initiative (PRI). The PRI was launched in 1996 as a corporate effort by the Clerk and the community of Deputy Ministers to rebuilding policy capacity. The PRI first began as an interdepartmental committee of Assistant Deputy Ministers from over 30 federal departments and agencies that were asked to engage in a medium-term scanning exercise to identify future policy challenges faced by Canada. The committee prepared a report, Growth, Human Development, Social Cohesion, on the key pressure points likely to arise in Canadian society by the year 2005 as a result of shifting socio-economic trends and identified research gaps that needed to be addressed to position the government to deal with those challenges.

The experience was highly successful in many ways. Not only did it produce a report that demonstrated how policy research focused on the medium-term had much to contribute to the formulation of the policy agenda, but it also confirmed the benefits of interdepartmental collaboration in policy research. The exercise revealed the horizontal nature of many key policy challenges and the need for confronting various perspectives and analysis in establishing common diagnosis on socio-economic trends and developments facing the country. In the process of drafting the joined report, much was learned on the relative policy research capacity strengths of the various federal departments and a policy research community started to emerge, as many government policy researchers, contrary to their colleagues working on policy design or policy implementation, seldom had had real opportunities to work with their counterparts from other departments.

Following these first steps, a permanent secretariat, the Policy Research Secretariats (PRS) was established as a more formal institutionalized entity within the Government of Canada, with the mandate to support newly formed interdepartmental research networks of analysts, and to reach out to the wider policy research community of think tanks and university academic. From 1997 to 2002, the PRS was particularly active in establishing these linkages through major fora such as high-profile national policy conferences involving hundreds of government and non-government researchers and through the management of publications, such as ISUMA and TRENDSiii, which aimed to tap the contributions of scholars and other external experts on medium-term policy issues of relevance to the federal government. However, over this period, the PRS, which was renamed the PRI in 2000, was never able to reproduce the scale and climate of interdepartmental collaboration that characterized the early days of the Initiative, with the result that most of the research work emerging from the PRI during this period was from external sources to the federal government, through initiative such as the Trends Project Series. The interdepartmental networks did not generate much new research work, with the exception perhaps of a pilot project on the Knowledge-based Economy/Society, which was lead by HRDC, Industry Canada, Canadian Heritage and the Canadian International Development Agency. The KBE/S project produced three major conferences from in 1998 and 1999 with a corresponding number of volumes of proceedings and was by in large managed by the departments directly involved, with little if no direct contribution from the PRI secretariat.iv

The fact that the interdepartmental networks generated little new work is hardly surprising. Department researchers had been asked to conduct interdepartmental research work in addition to their regular departmental responsibilities and activities. No additional resources had been assigned to the research program of the interdepartmental networks, except for a small staff at the PRI who was mostly involved in coordinating activities and publications. For departments involved, the horizontal work around the first report might have been exciting but proved difficult to sustain. The creation of interdepartmental research networks was a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the strengthening of the federal governments capacity to undertake medium-term, horizontal policy analysis. New departmental resources had to be devoted to policy research activities.

In late 2002, the Policy Research Initiative entered a third phase, characterized by a deepened internal research capacity and increased emphasis on generating in-house knowledge products. Attached to the Privy Council Office, with oversight from the Deputy Secretary for Plans and Consultation, the PRIs core mandate today is to advance research on emerging horizontal issues that are highly relevant to the federal governments medium-term policy agenda, and to ensure the effective transfer of this knowledge to policy-makers. The PRI leads research projects, rather than primarily coordinating department-based efforts. A team of approximately twenty-five policy research analysts, from diverse academic backgrounds, works on several research projects in partnerships with participating federal departments. Projects in early 2005 centered on issues related to population aging and increased life-course flexibility, new approaches to address poverty and exclusion, the role of social capital as a policy tool, the social economy, the management of freshwater in Canada, the emergence of Canada-US cross-border regions, the need for increased Canada-US regulatory cooperation and the costs and benefits of a customs union with the United-States. Final reports for most of these projects were expected over the year. Interim research products are often featured in Horizons, the PRIs flagship publication,

While the PRI is now more focused on meeting the needs of the internal federal community, it still undertakes extensive work to build linkages between federal analysts and extra-governmental researchers. Through a partnership with the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), the two organizations have hosted more than a dozen research roundtables in 2003 and 2004, bringing together leading Canadian scholars with senior federal officials to address specific, targeted issues relating to the PRI horizontal projects.

Since its creation the PRI has used different means to promote horizontal collaboration and to foster a sense of community among federal researchers. Beyond its cross-cutting research projects and its publication Horizons, the PRIs contribution to supporting horizontal research collaboration extends to its leadership of the Policy Research Data Group (PRDG). The PRDG is an interdepartmental committee formed in 1998 to address data gaps that linked to medium to longer-term policy priorities. Composed of senior managers from departments with identifiable research functions together with officials from Statistics Canada and the central agencies, the PRDG manages a fund of $20 million per year allocated for the development of data needed to carry out horizontal research. Priority data projects are identified by the group and the data is then developed by Statistics Canada, primarily through surveys (such as the General Social Survey, the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada, the Workplace and Employee Survey, the Post-secondary Transition Survey, and the International Adult Literacy and Lifeskills Survey, amongst several others). The PRDG holds regular workshops on data-related issues, where departments and external researchers can present proposals for new surveys or other data developments. The PRI chairs the PRDG and provides the Group with the necessary support and coordination.

Reaching Out to the External Policy Analysis Community

One of the principal areas of progress with regard to the policy capacity of the federal government since the Fellegi Report has been in the variety of new partnerships with extra-departmental researchers. Interviews with senior managers in 2002 (Armstrong et al. 2002) demonstrated a consensus that building such connections is no longer an area of strategic concern. The Policy Research Initiative has played a key role in building these links, but several other initiatives have played a similar role in reaching out to the wider analysis community.

The Metropolis Project represents one creative new partnership model. Launched in 1996 at Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC), this project sought to develop the governments analytic capacity to manage immigration and diversity by actively developing linkages to the academic community through institutionally-coordinated grant-funded research. Funded by a consortium of federal departments and agencies, including CIC and SSHRC, the project provides core funds to five university-based Centres of Excellence in Montreal, Toronto, Edmonton, Vancouver and Atlantic Canada to which over 200 Canadian researchers are affiliated. In addition, the Metropolis Project has an international arm that involves partnerships with policy makers and researchers from over 20 countries, including the United States, most of Western Europe, Israel and Argentina and from the Asia-Pacific region. Knowledge generated is transferred to federal officials through annual national and international conferences, and frequent workshops and seminars. The project has been successful in building links between academics and government policy researchers, and mid-level federal managers.

Another important development in recent years has been the introduction of the Research Data Centres program. In 1998, a national task force, the Canadian Initiative on Social Statistics, recommended the creation of research facilities to give academic researchers improved access to Statistics Canada’s microdata files to allow researchers in the social sciences to build expertise in quantitative methodology and analysis and improve the availability of rigorous, policy-relevant research. In partnership with SSHRC and a number of universities, Statistics Canada has developed twelve Research Data Centres ( RDCs) located across the country. RDCs provide researchers with access, in a secure university setting, to microdata from population and household surveys. The centres are operated under the provisions of the Statistics Act in accordance with all the confidentiality rules and are accessible only to researchers with approved projects who have been sworn in under the Statistics Act as ‘deemed employees.’

The issue of knowledge transfer and building stronger bridges between government officials and researchers undertaking policy-relevant work has become a central concern for the three major federal granting agencies, including SSHRC, the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC) and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR). For example, CIHR had a knowledge translation requirement built into its founding act in 2000. More recently SSHRC, Canadas primary research funding agency in the social sciences and humanities, has embarked on a process of transformation from a granting council to a knowledge council. By this, SSHRC means that it would remain a council that delivers grants awarded through peer review, but would also increase its support and facilitation of transfers of research knowledge to analysts and decision-makers in government, as well as other mediators and users of knowledge. Some of SSHRCs programs have already begun to stress this knowledge transfer capacity. For example, the Community-University Research Alliances (CURA) program connects the knowledge produced with community-based user needs. Similarly, SSHRC has recently partnered with the PRI to organize a series of important policy-relevant roundtables bringing together academics and federal policy officials. The Council recently launched the Strategic Research Clusters Design Grants program which is advertised as the first concrete step towards its transformation as a knowledge council. The strategic clusters are national research networks, each focused on a particular theme, that enable researchers to interact, on an ongoing basis, with each other, and with research users and other stakeholders.

Although pre-dating the Fellegi report with its establishment in 1991, the Canadian Employment Research Forum (CERF) remains a reference point when looking at ways to connect the federal policy research community with the external community. CERF is a non-profit corporation governed by a board of directors of both government officials and university-based academics that was set up at the invitation, and with the financial support, of Employment and Immigration Canada in the early nineties. It has successfully brought labour market researchers together at a series of conferences and workshops, enabling academic researchers to better identify the policy needs of government officials, and for government officials to be better informed of the latest relevant academic research. CERF has grown to be a robust bridge between and among university researchers and policy researchers from the federal government. However, the initiative has lost some momentum in more recent years and activities have been limited as the federal government core funding was replaced with irregular event-based financial support.

Departmental Policy Research Capacity

Although these represent important initiatives, the Fellegi Report was particularly insistent on the importance of investing in the policy capacity within departments. What has happened to the departmental capacity since Fellegi?

Concerns remain that the medium to longer-term capacity in many departments is still weak, and that the tyranny of the urgent still predominates with much too much analysis be simply reactive and more superficial than desirable (Armstrong et al. 2002: 6-8). That said, there are clearly some departments who have made, or continued to make, strong investments in medium-term research work over the past decade.

The leaders

The Department of Finance is probably where policy analysis in the federal government has been the most stable, as the department was largely unaffected by program reviews and spending cuts. In addition to providing ongoing policy analysis in its various areas of responsibilities, Finance has always maintained a capacity to carry rigorous policy research on medium term issues. The Economic Studies and Policy Analysis Division is the focal point of that research, with working papers being published regularly on a large scope of issues.

The Bank of Canada is also staffed with a load of policy analysts, mostly economists, devoted to financial market analysis, banking issues, macroeconomics and monetary policy. The Research Department alone, where most of the work falls into the mid-term research category, is staffed with more than sixty researchers.

Over the last decade, Statistics Canada has considerably increased the quantity of analytical products coming from their data collection activities. Four groups are responsible for the bulk of the departments research publications: Business and Labour Market Analysis, Family and Labour Studies, Health Analysis and Measurement and Micro-economic Analysis. Staffed with some fifty social scientists and a few affiliated researchers from academia, these groups conduct research on various labour market topics, productivity, technology and innovation, family outcomes, and health topics. Statistics Canada researchers benefit from direct and unrestricted access to the rich data sets collected by the organization.

While commenting on the recent deterioration of the policy capacity across the federal government, the Fellegi Report noted that Human Resources Development Canada was an exception with its investment in forward-looking planning and research. The Applied Research Branch, created in 1994, conducted policy research covering labour market, human capital development, income security, social development, labour adjustment and workplace innovation issues and for several years was the largest social policy research capacity in Canada. The ARB built on the significant investments made by Employment and Immigration Canada in the area of surveys, social experiments and program evaluation well before the creation of HRDC. The ARB proposed a new model for managing mid-term policy research, by getting actively engaged not only in the interpretation of data, but also in the planning of surveys and other data collected though social experiments. External experts would be invited to collaborate with ARBs research staff and the organizations responsible for the data collection in developing research hypothesis, planning the survey or the experiments in accordance with these hypotheses and then harvesting the information and conducting primary research as various waves of data became available. The branch lost some momentum when HRDC got caught in a middle of highly mediatized, and quite overblown, scandal over data holdings and data linkages. As part of an internal reorganization plan, the research branch was partly dismantled in the early 2000s and the remaining research group was further split when HRDC resources were reallocated in December 2003 into two new departments, Social Development and Human Resources and Skills Development.

The Micro-Economic Policy Analysis (MEPA) branch of Industry Canada also ranks among the large research units of the federal public service. The branch emerged in the early 1990s as a central point of policy research expertise for providing policy analysis and advice on a wide range of issues related to the knowledge-based economy and the need to improve Canadas innovation performance. The forty economists or so who work in the branch divide their time between the management of research contracts, their own research work and the articulation of key messages to policy-makers. The MEPA has been particularly successful in the past ten years in attracting the contribution of top North-American scholars to their research agenda and in transferring the results of this research to policy makers, thanks to a special talent at translating research findings into decks which have become the standard way of communication with senior officials and decision-makers.

Strategic analytical efforts at Health Canada were at one time quite diffuse throughout the department. In recent years they have moved to a hybrid model with the creation of a core corporate applied research group, the Applied Research and Analysis Directorate, combined with a number of smaller units distributed through its various branches. The Branch core function is to develop and implement a strategic policy research agenda for medium and long-term issues, helping co-ordinate Health Canada’s internal and external policy research activities, and funding extramural research under the Health Policy Research Program. The Directorate, with over fifty researchers, now compares very well with the research capacity of other line departments like Industry, HRSD and SD and engages in research partnerships, modeling and data collection activities, as well as program evaluation.

Why do these high-capacity departments stand out? Often thanks to the leadership of particular senior managers who, even in a period of downsizing, insisted on the importance of investment in medium-term strategic research capacity. Even in a period of fiscal restraint and a focus on program management, these managers continued to ask questions which demanded analytical, evidence-based responses and to ensure that some resources were made available to provide those answers (Riddell 1998: 5). As well, these departments did not hesitate in regrouping their research resources to create critical masses that could be identified with a mid-term to long-term focus, and remained somewhat remote and protected from daily demands and crisis faced by most policy shops.

The B pool

Other departments have made notable attempt to build up their mid-term research capacity in response to the Felligi report. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, Heritage Canada and Citizenship and Immigration fall in this category. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada established a Strategic Research and Analysis Directorate in 1993 with a mandate to support the Federal Governments policy making regarding the changing relationship between the Federal Government and First Nations, Inuit and northern peoples of Canada through a program of policy research, analysis and advice. The Directorate has a small staff that manages research from external experts and participates directly with products of their own as well. In November 2002, INAC and the University of Western Ontario organized the first Aboriginal Policy Research Conference. The nearly 700 delegates came from the federal government and academics and Aboriginal organizations to spend three days discussing research and policy.

Heritage Canada invested in building some mid-term policy research capacity in the second half of the 1990s with the creation of the Strategic Policy and Research Branch which provides a corporate research function to support the long-term strategic direction of the Department and contribute to the overall Government research agenda in areas which affect the mandate of Canadian Heritage. International Trade Canada has a small unit devoted to trade policy research and since 2001 produces on an annual basis a compendium of trade-related research work and analysis undertaken within and on behalf of the Department.

In addition to supporting the Metropolis project as one of the key funding partners, Citizenship and Immigration Canada maintains an internal research program mainly oriented towards the exploitation of the information provided by the Longitudinal Immigration Database and by surveys dealing with the labour market performance of immigrants. Agriculture Canadas Research and Analysis Directorate relies on large-scale computer models and other sectoral models to measure how changes in market conditions or policies affect the agricultural sector. Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation conducts mid-term research to help address national housing issues and has a large grants and awards program to foster innovation and the development of the external housing research community. Infrastructure Canada is the new kid on the block with substantial investment in research since its creation in 2003. A small research unit, the Research and Analysis Division, manages a series of research priorities on public infrastructure issues in collaboration with other federal governments and devotes a significant amount of resources to external research contracts.

Status of Women Canada has a handful of researchers that manages since 1996 a Policy Research Fund to support independent, forward-thinking policy research on gender equality issues. Over forty projects have been funded since the first call for proposals was issued in 1997. The Law Commission of Canada is an independent federal law reform agency that advises Parliament on how to improve and modernize Canadas law. The Commission manages research projects, mostly commissioned to external experts, on various themes. The Canada Rural Partnership supports research and analysis that provides socio-economic information and analysis on rural Canada and matters of interest to rural Canada.

The Canada School of Public Service has a Vice-president heading a unit named Research and University Relations which seeks to provide relevant, accessible, and leading-edge research in governance and public management for federal public servants. The unit is relatively small, with less than a dozen staff, but draws as well on external experts and works with many Canadian universities to carry their research workplan. The RCMPs Strategic Direction sector incorporates policy development and research capacity to provide advice and support to senior management in setting the strategic direction of the organization. The sector is mainly known outside of the RCMP for his thorough environmental scan of the socio-economic, technological, legal and political environment, both at the domestic and international levels.

The above does not represent a comprehensive review of all policy research capacity across federal departments. Our brief overview nevertheless suggests that the amount of resources engaged in medium-term policy analysis and research across the federal government is not negligible. But the number of issues calling for in-depth analysis, and of particular relevance to the federal government, is far from negligible either.

Has progress been made since the Felligi report? Overall progress in some of the departments may have offset some setbacks in other departments. Also, the distribution of research capacity remains highly unequal from one department to another. What the above description does not reflect is the impact of recent budgetary measures calling for spending cuts and reallocation across all departments. For several departments, these pressures just add to previous department-specific reallocation exercises and have led to a gradual erosion of departmental research and data development budgets. While researchers jobs may have not been cut, there are clear indications that the branch budgets devoted to non-salary items, contracts, conferences, data development or other operational items, have clearly suffered.

Analytic Tools and Methods

Over the past decade, the federal government has invested in a number of new tools and methodologies to improve its medium to longer-term policy research capacity. For example, Statistics Canada in partnership with a number of departments such as HRDC and CIC, and with the guidance and support of the Policy Research Data Group, has introduced a number of important new longitudinal surveys which, while costly and time-consuming to produce, have significant advantages over cross-sectional data. Examples include the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada, the National Graduate Surveys and Follow-up Surveys, the School Leavers Surveys, the Workplace and Employees Survey). These surveys provide federal government analysts with the capacity to much better identify the key trends and challenges in several strategic policy areas including early childhood development, labour market transitions, and immigrant integration

Federal departments have also continued to invest in modeling techniques, which have improved their capacity to undertake medium and longer-term analysis. Macroeconomic models, introduced in the seventies, remain a key tool for any research or analysis involving macroeconomic forecasting or macro policy analysis. The Department of Finance and the Bank of Canada have traditionally been the most intensive users, but other departments use them as well. For instance, occupational projections introduced at Employment and Immigration in the early eighties are produced regularly with the help of such macroeconomic models and their derivatives. General equilibrium models were instrumental in assessing the merits of introducing key policy reforms, such as GST or the Free Trade Agreement. They are still used today by departments like Finance, Industry Canada, International Trade and Agriculture Canada, to assess the economic efficiency gains and potential increases in GDP per capita that could result from major policy changes.

Microsimulation models, such as Statistics Canadas Social Policy Simulation Database and Model (SPSD/M) have been handling the distributional impact of proposed policy options for the last two decades. More recently, Statistics Canada introduced a new model, the LifePaths microsimulation model of individuals and families. The model allows for a better appreciation of how various policies designed to impact decisions at different points in the lifecourse interact to affect the outcomes of individual trajectories. The LifePaths model creates data about an artificial population that mirrors the characteristics of Canadian society. As Rowe notes, this represents a radical addition to the analytic tool kit that offers the prospect for improved public policy investments to support Canadians in all the diversity of their lifecourse (Rowe 2003: 8). Health Canada also developed its own micro-simulation models. The Pharmasim model quantifies the impact of changes to provincial pharmacare programs on households and government expenditures. And the Health-Tax Microsimulation Model (HTSIM) enables analysts to quantify the impact of changes to tax measures.

Through HRDC, the federal government has also made substantial investments in social experimentation in the 1980s. A yearly budget approximating $20 million has been supporting several large field experiments and demonstration projects in various locations of Canada during most of the nineties. Projects such as the Self-sufficiency Project based in B.C. and New-Brunswick, the Community Employment Innovation Project taking place in Cape Breton, Nova-Scotia, and the Learn$ave Project implemented in 10 sites across Canada, involved thousands of participants and use rigorous quantitative analysis, in the form of random-assignment evaluation design, to test and evaluate proposals for new programs and policy initiatives. However, HRDC (and now HRSD) investments in social experimentation are unique, as other departments have not yet devoted any resources to this powerful analytical tool for better policy design. HRDC has also been innovating by making use of laboratory experiments, or experimental economics, to inform policy design. In 2002, the Canada Student Loans Program commissioned the Social Research and Demonstration Corporation (SRDC) to conduct an economic experiment to test the response of program recipients to the provision of various forms of short-term/part-time student financial assistance.

Environmental scanning is a technique that has gained in popularity with several federal departments. Generally a typical scan is a report capturing a view of the socio-cultural, economic, technological, environmental and even political trends and circumstances around the organization (Howe, 2004, 81). Efforts are currently being made to better integrate the various departmental scans currently underway, but for now, this activity is only carried on a small scale and remains highly decentralized.

Does all this make a difference?

One might question the need to be concerned about the federal government policy research capacity, given the assertions that such policy analysis work has little impact on either day-to-day government operations or longer term policy directions (Pal 2001: 23; Brooks 1996: 85). Yet the work of such units, with a medium- to long-term focus, can and does often make an important difference, to the development of government policy. Often this influence is only indirect, introducing concepts, insights and alternatives that may only gradually, depending upon the right circumstances, resonate with decision-makers and take hold in the policy development process. At other times, such work may have a much more direct impact. For example, in the late nineties, the Deputy Minister of Industry made ten presentations in twelve months of the work of the departments Micro-Economic Policy Branch (Riddell 1998: 7) — work that very directly informed the governments innovation agenda. Similarly, Picot offers several examples where the quantitative analysis of Statistics Canada has played a substantial role in informing many key policy areas over the past decade including the reform of Employment Insurance, child poverty efforts, promotion of research and development, immigrant integration, and issues of access to post-secondary education (Picot 2003). Similarly, the work of the Applied Research Branch of HRDC during the nineties contributed to inspire various government initiatives in the area of adult education, child development, youth employment and parental benefits. It also prevented the government from reacting to alarmist diagnosis, like the claim regarding the end of work in the mid nineties, by producing thorough analysis of labour market trends.

Conclusion: Looking ahead

Policy research capacity within the federal government is healthy and compares well with the capacity observed in other OECD governments. Recent analysis point to a problem of demand as opposed to a problem of supply (Armstrong, 2002). Decision-makers and senior government officials are overload with information and are captive of the crisis or issues of the day. They rarely find the time to give proper consideration to research findings. This demand deficiency makes the supply the more vulnerable. If policy researchers fail to create opportunities to present the results of their work, they may not survive the recurrent waves of resources reallocation, departmental reorganizations and spending cuts that have characterized the lives of all levels of governments, as well as private sector businesses, since the last recession. More emphasis has to be put on knowledge transfers and finding appropriate mechanisms to package and convey the results of the policy research to senior officials and Ministers. The role of knowledge broker is bound to increase in future years, especially in large organizations. It is therefore imperative that the federal government preserves a solid internal policy research capacity that has the ability to speak the language of policy as well as the language of research. Canada can afford more think-tanks and scholars devoted to the analysis of policy issues. In that regard we may be lagging other countries, such as the U.S. or the U.K. But without a strong internal capacity to produce, process and synthesize research information, to translate and to communicate, new investments in research capacity external to governments, may not do much to improve the quality of policy making.

References

Armstrong, Jim, et al. 2002. Strengthening Policy Capacity: Report on Interviews with Senior Managers, February-March 2002. The Governance Network.

Brooks, Stephen. 2002. “Policy Analysis in Canada.” In Christopher Dunn, ed., The Handbook of Canadian Public Administration. Don Mills: Oxford University Press.

Brooks, Stephen. 1996. “The Policy Analysis Profession in Canada.” In Laurent Dobuzinskis et al., eds., Policy Studies in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Canada. 1996. Strengthening Our Policy Capacity. Report of the Task Force on Strengthening the Policy Capacity of the Federal Government [The Fellegi Report]. Ottawa.

Curtain, Richard. 2000. “Good Public Policy Making: How Australia Fares.” Agenda: A Journal of Policy Analysis and Reform 8, no.1: 33-46.

Hollander, Marcus J., and Michael J. Prince. “Analytical Units in the Federal and Provincial Governments: Origins, Functions and Suggestions for Effectiveness. ” Canadian Public Administration 36, no.2: 190-224.

Howe, Valerie. 2004. “Environmental Scan Initiative,” Horizons 7, no.1: 81-82

Pal, Leslie. 2001. Beyond Policy Analysis: Public Issue Management in Turbulent Times. Scarborough, ON: Nelson Thompson.

Picot, Garnett. 2003. “Does Statistical Analysis Matter?” Horizons 6, no.1: 6-10.

Riddell, Norman. 1998. Policy Research Capacity in the Federal Government. A Report prepared for the Policy Research Initiative. Ottawa.

Rowe, Geoff. 2003. “Fragments of Lives: Enabling New Policy Directions through Integrated Life-Course Data.” Horizons 6, no.2: 7-11.

Savoie, Donald J. 2004. “Searching for Accountability in a Government Without Boundaries.” Canadian Public Administration 47, no.2: 1-26.

United Kingdom, Cabinet Office. 1999. The Modernising Government White Paper. London.

Voyer, Jean-Pierre, 2003. “Les techniques exprimentales au service de la politique sociale,” Sociologie et Socits, vol xxxv, no 1,

iEndnotes

I would like to thank Robert Judge, from the Policy Research Initiative, for his contribution and assistance in writing this paper.

ii As part of its commitment to improved horizontal and strategic policy development, in 1998 the UK government established the Performance and Innovation Unit (PIU) in the Cabinet Office, reporting directly to the Prime Minister through the Cabinet Secretary. The PIU was designed to report on select issues crossing departmental boundaries and to propose policy innovations to improve the delivery of government objectives. In 2001, a second unit, the Prime Ministers Forward Strategy Unit, was established to provide the Prime Minister and other Cabinet Ministers with strategic, private thinking. A year later the two units were merged to form the Prime Ministers Strategy Unit. The Strategy Unit is located in the Cabinet Office and reports directly to the Prime Minister.

iii Under the Trend Project, the PRI, in cooperation with the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, developed six books where team of academics examined different forces that are driving change in Canada and identified the potential implications for policy.

iv The proceedings of these conferences were published under the following titles: Transition to the Knowledge of Society: Policies and Strategies for Individual Participation and Learning. ed. Kjell Rubenson and Hans G. Schuetze. Vancouver, BC: UBC Institute for European Studies, 2000; Doing Business in the Knowledge-Based Economy: Facts and Policy Challenges. ed. Louis A. Lefebvre, Elisabeth Lefebvre, Pierre Mohnen. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001, and Citizenship and Participation in the Information Age. ed. Manjunath Pendakur and Roma Harris. Aurora, ON: Garamond Press, 2002.

Privy Council

Dossier: Jocelyne Bourgon: Clerk of Privy Council (1994-1999)

  • Appointed by Jean Chretien Liberals https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jocelyne_Bourgon
  • She launched the Deputy Ministers Task Force on strengthening our policy capacity. This was chaired by Canadas Chief Statistician Ivan Fellegi. The Fellegi Report (1996) recommended long-term strategies for policy development, the need to promote interdepartmental networks within government, and recommended that the Privy Council Office (PCO) be the focal point for this “Whole of Government” approach. (FYI: At the same time, Tony Blairs Labour Party in the UK wrote the “White Paper” making similar recommendations) https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319064172_9_Policy_Analysis_in_the_Federal_Government_Building_the_Forward-_Looking_Policy_Research_Capacity
  • As a result, in 1996 the government launched PRI (Policy Research Initiative) as a joint effort between the PCO Clerk (Jocelyne Bourgon) and Deputy Ministers of different governmental departments to look at government policy development.
  • Served in dept. of Industry, cabinet secretary for Federal-Provincial Relations (later merges with PCO) president of CIDA, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jocelyne_Bourgon
  • When she as Deputy Minister of Transport Canada she helped organize the Canada-Free Trade, lead constitutional negotiations, helped prepare reform that lead to the privatization of our rail and airports. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jocelyne_Bourgon
  • Leads the “New Synthesis Project” a program that aspires to transform the way people think about the role of government in the post-industrial era. A New Synthesis in Public Administration sets out a theoretical framework that takes this new reality into account. It reveals how government forms part of a co-evolving system between people and society.

This project was written and financed by PGI (Public Governance International) a corporation dedicated to helping transform governmental services to meet the global needs of the 21st century. Mrs. Bourgon is the founding President of PGI http://www.pgionline.com/ https://web.archive.org/web/20120907105534/http:/nsworld.org/sites/nsworld.org/files/New_Frontiers_of_Public_Administration.pdf

We have not heard from former clerks of the Privy Council, like Jocelyne Bourgon or Mel Cappe, who could tell us what the Privy Council knew and when it knew, and what directions they gave. Whether for instance, did an official from the Federal-Provincial Relations Office of the PCO call Chuck Guité in 1995 and instruct him to bend the rules, if necessary, in the government’s advertising program? We would like to hear them testify to that question.”

  • Workers Versus Austerity the modern state apparatus: In the summer of 2009, two figures from that eras Liberal administration former top bureaucrat Jocelyne Bourgon and former cabinet minister Marcel Massé flew across the Atlantic and met with leading British Conservatives including Philip Hammond, the shadow chief secretary to the Treasury. We are not privy to the discussions which took place at these meetings. But it might not be a coincidence that the Conservatives in Britain, now in office, have embarked upon a serious austerity offensive that has many similarities with Canada s experience in the 1990s. One of the principle mechanisms used by the Liberals to slash spending was to change the rules by which tax money was shipped out to the provinces. The effect was to reduce by billions of dollars the amount of money given to the provinces and this was critical, because it is the provinces in Canada which fund health care, education and social assistance. These central components of the welfare state, while delivered provincially, are extremely dependent on transfer payments from the senior level of government. To deal with debts accumulated during years of Tory rule, the federal liberals had redefined the way in which transfer payments were to be delivered to the provinces, the net effect of which would be to reduce those payments by billions. Chart 1 (Department of Finance Canada 2010) captures this starkly. From until, transfer payments stagnated at around the thirty five billion dollar mark, in fact a long slow cut in per capita terms. But from until, transfer payments plunged by seven billion dollars, and then by another two billion dollars between and This is the picture of the austerity measures behind the construction of the neoliberal state, one aspect of which was the threatened doubling of tuition fees.” http://docplayer.net/51287077-Workers-versus-austerity-the-origins-of-ontario-s-days-of-action.html

Finish Reviewing these:

https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/canada-school-of-public-service-under-scrutiny/article12898126/

http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un/unpan027362.pdf

Privy Council

Soros’ Quiet Revolution Through Liberal Elite Higher Education Cesspools

Universities have historically been ground zero for revolutions acting as instruments of state formation, steering national identity, and social and political change. Globalization has allowed universities to become more diverse, replacing conservative Europeans with foreign nationals and forever changing the face of “free speech” in western countries. Youth rally for foreign causes, the implementation of one world governance, and “stateless law,” all at the expense of our national sovereignty. Who better to destabilize continents than master manipulator George Soros with his far-reaching tentacles infiltrating universities throughout the globe and transforming them into facilitators of mass migration? The education system, with its prison acclimation and obedience training, has created the perfect soldiers to implement an UN-based militarized system that will ensure their own servitude and the genocide of mankind. The invasion is underway and the revolution has begun, for Radicalism has empowered Conservatism and our nation’s law books have betrayed the very citizens they were meant to protect. Dark days lie ahead!

Soros Central European University (CEU) in Hungary

Recently, the Hungarian government passed legislation that would regulate foreign universities operating within that country. The bill, passed by a vote of 123 to 38 in favor of the legislation, will place restrictions on 28 foreign universities and potentially force them out of the country. While the legislation is general, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban targeted one institution in particular, the Central European University (CEU) founded by George Soros in 1991. Orban stated that Soros and the NGOs allied with him, were “trying to influence Hungarian domestic politics.” The liberal billionaire, a persistent critic of the Prime Minister, prompted Orban to declare that “Not even a billionaire can stand above the law, therefore this university must also obey the law (1).” Under this legislation, if foreign universities want to offer degrees in Hungary, they must have a campus in their home country. The CEU, which is accredited in the United States and Hungary, is the only one among 28-foreign based universities not to have such a campus (2).

Michael Ignatieff, former Liberal leader and current president and dean of the CEU in Budapest, denounced this legislation which he says targeted his institution. He rallied for international support, including from Global Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland (2) and several North American and European University administrators from world-renown institutions, such as MIT, Princeton, Yale, Stanford, John Hopkins, Cornell University, Berkeley, and the University of Toronto (3). Stephen Toope, director of Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto had this to say: (2)

It is not clear how much leverage the Canadian government has to influence the situation. A better option would be to appeal to Germany, a key investor in Hungary. If Canada wanted to do anything here, the best thing to do might be to quietly talk with the Germans and see if we can encourage them to play an active role.

Notorious philanthropist George Soros is the father of the globalist movement for mass migration and promoter of one world government. The questions our staff at Civilian Intelligence Network (CIN) has are: Who is Stephen Toppe? And what sort of influence has the first president of the Trudeau Foundation had in Canada? What involvement does he have with Soros CEU? How has this connection impacted post-secondary education in Canada?

Michael Ignatieff, George Soros and their precious elite liberal cesspool breeding ground,
Central European University.

Who is Stephen Toope?

Stephen Toope is a Canadian legal scholar and academic administrator who is currently vice-chancellor at the University of Cambridge in UK. He specializes in human rights, international law, and international relations. He is an active member of IALS (International Association of Law Schools), whose mission is to prepare lawyers for transnational legal practice, and he advocates for global governance by the United Nations (4). He is also former Dean of the McGill Faculty of Law (1994-1999), where he oversaw the renewal of the law curriculum, Vice-Chancellor of University of British Columbia (UBC), tenured professor of law in 2006-2014, and director of the University of Toronto Munk School of Global Affairs (2015-2017)(5)(6)(7). While at McGill University he introduced “State-less law” into Canada that is transnational, universal and intended to help to shepherd in the UN and international law (8). Stephen Toope is also founder and former president of the Pierre Elliot Trudeau Foundation when it began its operations in March 2002, on receipt of a $125 million endowment from the Government of Canada.

Stephen Toope’s connections to the Liberal Party of Canada run deep. In 1986-87, he worked for Brian Dickson, Chief of Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada appointed by Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Dickson was a leading figure in the transformation of the Supreme Court of Canada and Canadian law and an authority on Constitutional law, laying the groundwork for the new Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (9). The Constitution Act of 1982 which includes the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms now guarantees fundamental freedoms for all individuals residing in Canada, including citizens, landed immigrants and even refugees (10)(11)(12).

Stephen Toope is also a member of the CIC (Canadian International Council), a think tank on international affairs, that gave George Soros Globalist of the Year award in 2010 (13)(14). At the time, Soros had nothing but praise for the Communist Government of China: (15)

Global market fundamentalism have given rise to a new world order, one dominated by China… I have to say that today China has a more, not only a more vigorous economy, but actually a better functioning government than the United States… The world order as we know it is turning into disorder… The Washington consensus is finished. Disappeared.

Stephen Toope is also part of the R2P Movement (Global Responsibility to Protect or GR2P) that calls for Rapid Response Teams to be employed by the United Nations in times of global unrest. The R2P legislation adopted the by the UN General Assembly in the 2005 World Summit, maintains that when sovereign states are unable or unwilling to fulfill their responsibility to protect their own populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity, the international community has the responsibility to do so (16)(17)(18). This legislation has not yet become legally binding as international law. Stephen Toope, recognized as a specialist of International Law and with and with a legal background in now four world-renown law schools, will be a key player in the legalization of this law globally (19). Recently, Toope had this to say about the R2P (94):

Could we imagine pushing finally to create the United Nations rapid-response force, designed to take action against threats or breaches of the peace, envisioned in Chapter VII of the UN Charter?

Toope also advocates for global collaboration with China (20). In the era of globalization, China is the one of the largest contributors to the UN Peacekeeping budget and contributes more troops than any other member of the UN Security Council (21). In his address to the UN General Assembly, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi stated that China was a staunch advocate of a “multilateral rules-based world order” and asserted China’s long-standing determination to “uphold the international order and remain a champion of multilateralism (an alliance of many nations)” (22)(21).

These UN “Blue Helmet” peacekeeping forces are plagued with scandal and controversy and often referred to as global war-making forces, which have come under strong criticism for raping and slaughtering civilians amid various UN missions around the world (24). This brings into question a similar multilateral agreement imposed by President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel that would integrate European Forces to form a Common European Army that could respond quickly to situations on the ground, bypassing the sovereignty of nations within the EU(25). And just recently EU leaders joined Chinese President Xi Jinping in Paris to stress the importance of “Multilateralism” and address peace and security issues (15).

China’s growing global power makes it an exporter of human right violations, including at the UN where in 2018 it tried to block participation of its critics (26). Why then is a dictator-led communist state championing a UN Rapid Response Military Force? Why is it entering into multilateral agreements with the EU? Clearly the UN is becoming a Global Empire, a militarized United Nations with a military force run by a UN Security Council, and consisting of member states such as China and corrupt dictators like South African Cyril Ramaphosa, who is seizing land from farmers and has been implicated in the large-scale killing of white farmers (27)(28)(29). What will happen once these UN Rapid Response Teams obtain international jurisdiction?

Recently Cook County Commissioner Richard Boykin argued that the State of Illinois was failing the African American community and sought UN peacekeeping efforts to combat violence and gun crimes in Chicago neighborhoods (30). The R2P mandate clearly states that should a State fail to protect its populations the international community must be prepared to take stronger measures, including the collective use of force through the UN Security Council (31). And at the “Yellow Vest Protests” in France heavily armored vehicles bearing the EU flag stormed into Paris as a sign that the EU army has already been created (87)(88).

The main promoter of this R2P Rapid Response Force is the World Federalist Movement (32)(33) that supports a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) (34) and a world without borders:(35)

See the vision of the world and all the wonder that shall be. In the parliament of all, the federation of the world. We now have a planetary community, the brotherhood and sisterhood of human kind, the Nation of Humanity. Fundamental crucial issues of peace, security, economic and social justice, human and wildlife rights and ecological protection are planetary in nature. Human sovereignty in a planetary society supersedes national jurisdictions.

Stephen Toope, a prominent member of the Canadian Chapter of the R2P movement (36), which has hosted World Federalist Movement speakers such as: Lloyd Axworthy, former cabinet minister to Liberal PM Jean Chretien and president of the World Federalist Movement-Institute for Global Policy (37)(38), and Executive Director William Pace,who spoke at a R2P conference entitled “Effective implementation of the Responsibility to Protect: The Role of the European Union and the Civil Society.” Pace also delivered a keynote address on the origins and principles of R2P, followed by a panel discussion on “Strengthening the R2P within the European Union”(39). For those of you still in doubt of the existence of a New World Order, it is quite evident that the global invasion has already begun!

The Responsibility-to-Protect (R2P) doctrine, an ideological pretext that was created and developed by Canada’s federal government, was used to legitimize the illegal coup imposed on Haiti in 2004. Institutionalized on the world stage by a Canadian front called the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), the R2P doctrine was the brainchild of then-Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. When announcing its birth in 2000, then-Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy thanked the Carnegie, MacArthur, and Rockefeller Foundations for “strong political and financial support.” Lloyd Axworthy is President of the World Federalist Movement that advocates for UNPA. Canada, who had relations with both London and Washington, was in a perfect place to design the R2P! The main tenant of the R2P script was for the UN to abandon it’s two primary principles: state sovereignty and military non-intervention (23).

In 1973, the World Federalist Movement awarded the “World Peace Award” to Maurice Strong, who created the UN’s Earth Council to co-ordinate Agenda 21, the blueprint for the construction of a New World Order (40)(41). World Federalist Movement’s coalition partner is the Climate Action Network (CAN), a coalition of more than 100 organizations across Canada that brings labour, indigenous groups and environmental activist groups together to promote the climate action movement and anti-oil activism (42). It includes organizations such as Leadnow, Greenpeace, the David Suzuki Foundation, West Coast Environmental Law, and Assembly of First Nations (43). These are all organizations that have been funded by the Tides Canada Foundation, whose principal financier is George Soros (44)(45)(46)(47)(48)(49)(50). Stephen Toope is an advocate for UN sustainable development goals and signed the University and College Presidents Statement of Climate Action (51)(52)(53).

Toope was also President of The Federation for Humanities and Social Sciences (54), which promotes research and teaching for the advancement of an inclusive and democratic society. It includes over 160 universities and colleges that represents 91,000 researchers and graduate students across Canada. This organization has endorsed speakers such as Naomi Klein, an anti-oil, anti-pipeline activist who recently told a group of students at the University of Calgary that the Fort McMurray wildfires were linked to climate change (54)(56).

Grant money for research plays a major role in establishing what the grant-makers hope to achieve. Grant-makers, like foundations, corporations, and government departments, typically disperse money based on compliance. (55) Grants often have predetermined conclusions making the papers published more about advocacy, and less about research. Stephen Toope is a prime example of just this fact. One look at Stephen Toope‘s full CV (5), shows 30 years of research grants most notably from the SSHRC. The SSHRC operates at the will of the privy council, where foundations like Soros’ Tides have full control to distribute funds to themselves (91). Foundations, government, and corporations are a revolving door of globalist self-interest. Stephen Toope has authored “Building compliance: The Hard Work of International Law”, “Legitimacy and Persuasion: The Hidden Power of International Law”, “Interactional International Law: Shaping International Society”, and currently “Stability and Change in International Law” (5). The globalists have infiltrated the Universities and are directing research. This is catered research, Research Papers R Us!

“Imperialist Victim” and useful genius Stephen Toope with Man Bear Pig himself, Al Gore

What involvement has Stephen Toope had with Soros or the CEU?

To improve university governance, board administrators, are part of Universities Canada, which was founded in 1911 and includes 96 public and private not-for-profit Canadian Universities (57)(58). Stephen Toope has served as Chair of the board of Universities Canada and has helped to deliver training sessions for University Administrators (59)(60). Universities Canada has partnered with the American Council on Education (ACE) Center for Internationalization and Global Engagement (CIGA) whose priorities are to assist academic institutions develop and sustain programs that increase global engagement, address global priorities, and collaborate with other institutions, governments, the private sector, and the United Nations, to advance internationalization initiatives (61)(62).

In 1946, the American Council on Education (ACE) helped establish the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), which provides international exchange opportunities for American scholars and administrators (63). Other CIGA collaborating partners include: Universities Australia, German Rectors Conference, Santander Universidades (Mexico), Universities UK, European Universities Association, and Association of Colombian Universities. This initiative is funded by the Lumina Foundation (64) which is directly funded by George Soros and Open Society Initiative (65). It was not therefore, surprising to see ACE President, an Obama nominated Undersecretary of Education and proponent of the corporate takeover of public institutions, Ted Mitchel come to the defense of the Soros Central European University (CEU) on December 4, 2018: (66)(67)

We stand with CEU and the rest of the European higher education community, and we call on the government of Hungary to reconsider its stance and show that it understands and embraces the essential concepts of academic freedom and intellectual integrity.​

Recently, the Trudeau’s Liberal government announced an historic new investment to Universities Canada, with more funding for research, opportunities for women, and minorities to ensure greater diversity (68). A Lobby Canada Report reveals that Universities Canada plans to import more migrants and refugees into Canadian Universities by working with Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada to improve visa processing times, lower refusal rates for international students, and increase flexibility in post-graduate work permit programs, to ensure that more international students can participate in program pathways to permanent residency (69).

Despite claims that universities and institutions of higher education are non-partisan promoters of “free speech,” the reality is far from the truth. They have become far-left liberal institutions that support minority groups where “free speech” is censored and replaced by social justice advocacy for corrupt dictator-led countries many of us have never even heard of. The concerns of the nation play second fiddle to issues of globalization, mass migration, and demands for equity by non-citizens, citizens that are very much politically motivated. Michael Ignatieff, president of the CEU had this to say about the role of Universities: (70)

Globalization has allowed universities to become more diverse, multicultural and more plural of all global communities with the CUE recruiting faculty and students from 120 different countries. What we didn’t see coming at CEU is that we trained the transition elite, a Liberal democratic transition elite, but we trained the elite that lost politically. Post-1989, the transition elite, the Liberal democratic elite, got pulverized in Hungary’s election and a new center right– conservative, religious, Christian, anti-migration –won. We are now facing all the consequences of having trained an elite that lost.

For the George Soros CEU this meant they lost the battle and were forced out of Hungary only to open a new campus in Austria (71). Whether or not these “Universities of Liberal elite” will win the war in North America and in other Western Nations remains to be seen. At the University of Toronto’s Munk School of Global Affairs, Stephen Toope, professors and Graduate students will still be participating in exchange programs with the CEUs Open Society Internship for Rights and Governance (OSIRG); a global initiative designed to identify and cultivate the next generation of human rights practitioners (72)(73). Globally, there are literally thousands of internships similar to this. Universities play a key role in forming national consciousness and national identity, unfortunately our students will be catering to transnational ideologies in favor of global governance.

How has this connection impacted post-secondary education in Canada?

In 2010, the Vancouver Sun reported that about 70% of the students at Simon Fraser University and UBC were visible minorities despite representing a relatively small fraction of the population of British Columbia. Many were economic migrants seeking high-paying professions which are unattainable in their own countries due to massive competition (74). At that time, UBC President Stephen Toope publically called for an increase in the number of Asian students at his university when almost half were of already of Chinese origin and were actually beginning to decrease diversity as Chinese students began to dominate the student body creating a monoculture. The concern here is whether or not the large numbers of international students at Canadian universities are taking up spaces that would otherwise go to qualified Canadians. Some research has been done in the United States on this issue by Professor George Borjas of Harvard University who concluded that: (75)

while the impact enrollment of international students on locals in U.S. educational institutions varies with different groups, there does seem be a “crowd out effect” on American-born white males.

Borjas is considered one of the leading experts on immigration and labour markets and in 2007 co-authored a study for Statistics Canada (75). Despite claims that higher foreign tuition fees bring in considerable income to Universities, in the United States the cost of foreign students is substantially underwritten by public funds with significant costs to the taxpayer (89). Since Universities operate as non-profits they are largely funded by tax dollars, another social economy money pit that goes unreported.

In 2017, Canada registered a new record of international students living in the country: 495,525 according to Immigration Refugees & Citizenship Canada. his represents a 120% increase since 2010 driven basically by Chinese and Indian students. There are 1,034,000 full time students, so close to 50% now are international students(93)! In 2016 there were roughly 4.8 million international students mainly from China, India, South Korea, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, and several other Asian countries. Data used to monitor United Nations SDG commitment show the amount of foreign aid to assist these students was roughly 1.2 Billion (92). At one time the universities would limit seats to foreign students to only 10%, now schools are a back door to immigration. (93)

As President of UBC, Stephen Toope implemented a collaboration agreement between Chongqing in China and UBC to share research, knowledge and innovation. Collaborations under the agreement would focus on urban planning and sustainable development, education, international law, public policy and international relations (76). This is UBC’s first initiative under their “China Council” which seeks to expand and deepen the University’s exchange with China. One mandate of UBCs China Council is student mobility. Today, students from China are the largest international student body at UBC, now referred to as the “University of Beijing China”. The UBC webpage is even written in Chinese(90); will this become Canada’s third official language? UBC has 55 other current collaboration agreements with academic institutions in China and Chongqing along with Beijing, Shanghai and Tianjin have been given Provincial government status (76) along with Provincial and Federal tax dollars.

While at McGill University when it was under Stephen Toope (1994-1999), that curriculum reform took shape. Dean Toope shepherded the Law Faculty through a five-year consultation and review process on the controversial question “what should legal education at McGill look like at the end of the 20th century?” This proposal for curricular reform, passed at Faculty Council in March of 1998. The new program, implemented “Trans-systemic Law” that would radically change legal education not only at McGill University but also within Canada and the world (77).

One of the greatest strengths of McGill’s trans-systemic program is the idea that there is not necessarily a single solution to a given problem, and that one’s own discipline doesn’t provide all the answers.

What is Trans-systemic Law? Europeans have pointed to it as a model for teaching law in a supranational continent, a way to train students for a globalized legal economy. At its core, trans-systemic law attempts to teach students about the law not from the perspective of any one specific jurisdiction, but from the perspective of many nations. The consequences for legal education are much more profound. Many words were used to describe this new curriculum like trans-systemic and trans-national, but the official name was “The McGill Program.” It has been hailed as a model for what legal education should look like in a globalized world (77).

Stephen Toope was also Co-Director for The Institute for European Studies which was founded in 2000 by the European Commission to promote EU studies outside Europe. The Institute has received financial support from the Université de Montréal and McGill University since its creation. This support, combined with grants from the European Commission, has helped the Institute to fulfill its objectives and to generate research about: The history of European integration, European law, the political system of the EU, policies of the EU, especially its social policies, and the languages and different cultures of member states (78).

The European Centre of Excellence (EUCE) was inaugurated on October 2, 2000 as a joint venture between the Université de Montréal and McGill University. The EUCE’s mandate is to promote a high-quality knowledge and understanding of Europe and to stimulate the study of the European Union in Montreal, Quebec, and Canada (79). It includes the following network of universities: Dalhousie, Carlton, University of Victoria, University of Alberta, University of Toronto, York University, and UBC (80)(81)(82)(83). In the USA the list includes Cornell, Berkeley, Columbia University, and many more. The European Commission currently supports five European Union Centres of Excellence (EUCE) in Canada, which are co-funded by their home universities: Carleton University (Ottawa), Dalhousie University (Halifax), the University of Alberta (Edmonton), the University of Victoria, and at University of Montreal and McGill University in a consortium (84).

The Centre for European Studies (CES) at Carleton University coordinates the Canadian Network of EUCEs, which complements similar networks in the USA, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Singapore, Taiwan, Russia, and Korea (84). They are all part of the Council for European Studies, an association which is supported by charitable foundations such as the Soros Foundations and Rockefeller Foundation and the European Commission (80)(85) and which includes George Soros Central European University (CEU) (86).

It has never been a good idea to concentrate power in one place. Now, our own law schools are the mechanisms for implementing international law right here in Canada. Globalists are preparing a worldwide planetary disaster which they plan to be the saviours. Their dialectic is being developed in the echelons of higher education and they expect to have it all wrapped up by 2030. Do elected MPs have the power to reverse these stateless laws that over ride the laws of man? Are there political solutions at all? The revolutions to come are dark; they don’t include a better life for you and your family, and you may in fact be part of the 90% of humans that will be eliminated from the planet (95). Yes, implementing mass migration will kill 8.5billion people by 2100. Population reduction achieved through lack of medical care and education. UN research scenarios found in this document! (96).

It is important to learn the names of the people involved most directly in these anti-human, one world operations. Once we learn their names, we need to engage them directly. In Canada, far more than the USA, it is important to learn what is going on. The ENTIRE public sector of Canada is foreign owned and operated. We are handing over our best and brightest to one world authoritarian communism. George Soros‘ name is always present. Stephen Toope, Michael Ignatieff might be less known to you. You are not a conspiracy kook for asking questions, or for continuing your search for answers.

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Privy Council

The Number of Foreign Students in Western Countries expressed as a percent.

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